tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-25643876024877934502024-03-05T00:31:32.113-08:00Accountability ForumConnecting stakeholders in state accountabilityYaminihttp://www.blogger.com/profile/12419645403799952442noreply@blogger.comBlogger104125tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2564387602487793450.post-76871556172937636872010-07-20T02:14:00.001-07:002010-07-20T02:21:52.476-07:00New AI Blog Page<span style="font-weight: bold;"><span style="font-weight: bold;font-size:180%;" ><span style="font-weight: bold;">The Accountability Initiative Blog has moved! </span><br /><br />For the latest updates on accountability news and views across the country, log on to our new blog page at:<br /><a href="http://www.accountabilityindia.in/blog"><br />http://www.accountabilityindia.in/blog</a><br /></span><br /><span style="font-weight: bold;"><span style="font-weight: bold;"></span></span></span>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2564387602487793450.post-69661532282961038522010-07-10T02:13:00.000-07:002010-07-10T02:22:54.591-07:00AI in the News: Who's Watching the WatchersThe NGO landscape in India is getting pretty crowded. According to the findings of a recent government survey there are an estimated 3.3 million registered NGOs working in the country — one for every 400 Indians. But with the growing influence of NGOs in India today, many have raised questions about their transparency and accountability. Mandakini Devasher, Accountability Initiative discusses how the Right to Information (RTI) could offer a possible solution. Click <a href="http://www.indianexpress.com/news/watching-the-watchdogs/644607/">here</a> to read the article in the Indian Express.Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2564387602487793450.post-55533443983927731512010-07-06T04:40:00.000-07:002010-07-06T05:13:54.369-07:00India and the Failed States Index: 12 Counts of Failure<div><p class="MsoNormal"><b><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;">Rishiv Khattar</span></span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-GB"><a href="http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2010/06/21/the_failed_states_index_2010"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;">Foreign Policy</span></span></a><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;"> and the </span></span><a href="http://www.fundforpeace.org/web/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=99&Itemid=140"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;">Fund for Peace</span></span></a><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;"> have been publishing the Failed States Index since 2005. The 2010 Index uses 90,000 publicly available sources to assess 177 countries and rate them on 12 metrics of state decay—India ranked 87 and received a score of 77.8.</span></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-GB"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;">Higher scores on a metric indicate a greater degree of failure. The scores used are from the Fund for Peace publication as there appears to be some inconsistency in the Foreign Policy publication’s score.</span></span></span></p><table border="1" cellspacing="0" cellpadding="0" align="left" style="border-collapse: collapse; border-top-style: none; border-right-style: none; border-bottom-style: none; border-left-style: none; border-width: initial; border- color:initial;"><tbody><tr><td width="31" valign="top" style="width: 30.55pt; border-top-style: solid; border-right-style: solid; border-bottom-style: solid; border-left-style: solid; border-top-color: windowtext; border-right-color: windowtext; border-bottom-color: windowtext; border-left- border-top-width: 0.5pt; border-right-width: 0.5pt; border-bottom-width: 0.5pt; border-left-width: 0.5pt; padding-top: 0in; padding-right: 5.4pt; padding-bottom: 0in; padding-left: 5.4pt; color:windowtext;"><p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-GB"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;">No.</span></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></span></p></td><td width="270" valign="top" style="width: 269.85pt; border-top-style: solid; border-right-style: solid; border-bottom-style: solid; border-top-color: windowtext; border-right-color: windowtext; border-bottom-color: windowtext; border-top-width: 0.5pt; border-right-width: 0.5pt; border-bottom-width: 0.5pt; border-left-style: none; border-left-width: initial; border-left- padding-top: 0in; padding-right: 5.4pt; padding-bottom: 0in; padding-left: 5.4pt; color:initial;"><p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-GB"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;">Metric</span></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></span></p></td><td width="61" valign="top" style="width: 60.85pt; border-top-style: solid; border-right-style: solid; border-bottom-style: solid; border-top-color: windowtext; border-right-color: windowtext; border-bottom-color: windowtext; border-top-width: 0.5pt; border-right-width: 0.5pt; border-bottom-width: 0.5pt; border-left-style: none; border-left-width: initial; border-left- padding-top: 0in; padding-right: 5.4pt; padding-bottom: 0in; padding-left: 5.4pt; color:initial;"><p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-GB"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;">India’s score</span></span></span></p></td></tr><tr><td width="31" valign="top" style="width: 30.55pt; border-right-style: solid; border-bottom-style: solid; border-left-style: solid; border-right-color: windowtext; border-bottom-color: windowtext; border-left-color: windowtext; border-right-width: 0.5pt; border-bottom-width: 0.5pt; border-left-width: 0.5pt; border-top-style: none; border-top-width: initial; border-top- padding-top: 0in; padding-right: 5.4pt; padding-bottom: 0in; padding-left: 5.4pt; color:initial;"><p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-GB"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;">1</span></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></span></p></td><td width="270" valign="top" style="width: 269.85pt; border-top-style: none; border-top-width: initial; border-top-color: initial; border-left-style: none; border-left-width: initial; border-left-color: initial; border-bottom-style: solid; border-bottom-color: windowtext; border-bottom-width: 0.5pt; border-right-style: solid; border-right- border-right-width: 0.5pt; padding-top: 0in; padding-right: 5.4pt; padding-bottom: 0in; padding-left: 5.4pt; color:windowtext;"><p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-GB"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;">Mounting demographic pressures</span></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></span></p></td><td width="61" valign="top" style="width: 60.85pt; border-top-style: none; border-top-width: initial; border-top-color: initial; border-left-style: none; border-left-width: initial; border-left-color: initial; border-bottom-style: solid; border-bottom-color: windowtext; border-bottom-width: 0.5pt; border-right-style: solid; border-right- border-right-width: 0.5pt; padding-top: 0in; padding-right: 5.4pt; padding-bottom: 0in; padding-left: 5.4pt; color:windowtext;"><p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-GB"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color:#FF0000;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;">8.3</span></span></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></span></p></td></tr><tr><td width="31" valign="top" style="width: 30.55pt; border-right-style: solid; border-bottom-style: solid; border-left-style: solid; border-right-color: windowtext; border-bottom-color: windowtext; border-left-color: windowtext; border-right-width: 0.5pt; border-bottom-width: 0.5pt; border-left-width: 0.5pt; border-top-style: none; border-top-width: initial; border-top- padding-top: 0in; padding-right: 5.4pt; padding-bottom: 0in; padding-left: 5.4pt; color:initial;"><p class="MsoNormal"><span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;">2</span></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></span></p></td><td width="270" valign="top" style="width: 269.85pt; border-top-style: none; border-top-width: initial; border-top-color: initial; border-left-style: none; border-left-width: initial; border-left-color: initial; border-bottom-style: solid; border-bottom-color: windowtext; border-bottom-width: 0.5pt; border-right-style: solid; border-right- border-right-width: 0.5pt; padding-top: 0in; padding-right: 5.4pt; padding-bottom: 0in; padding-left: 5.4pt; color:windowtext;"><p class="MsoNormal"><span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;">Massive movement of refugees or internally displaced persons, creating complex humanitarian emergencies</span></span></span><span lang="EN-GB"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></span></p></td><td width="61" valign="top" style="width: 60.85pt; border-top-style: none; border-top-width: initial; border-top-color: initial; border-left-style: none; border-left-width: initial; border-left-color: initial; border-bottom-style: solid; border-bottom-color: windowtext; border-bottom-width: 0.5pt; border-right-style: solid; border-right- border-right-width: 0.5pt; padding-top: 0in; padding-right: 5.4pt; padding-bottom: 0in; padding-left: 5.4pt; color:windowtext;"><p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-GB"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color:#FF0000;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;">4.9</span></span></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></span></p></td></tr><tr><td width="31" valign="top" style="width: 30.55pt; border-right-style: solid; border-bottom-style: solid; border-left-style: solid; border-right-color: windowtext; border-bottom-color: windowtext; border-left-color: windowtext; border-right-width: 0.5pt; border-bottom-width: 0.5pt; border-left-width: 0.5pt; border-top-style: none; border-top-width: initial; border-top- padding-top: 0in; padding-right: 5.4pt; padding-bottom: 0in; padding-left: 5.4pt; color:initial;"><p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-GB"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;">3</span></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></span></p></td><td width="270" valign="top" style="width: 269.85pt; border-top-style: none; border-top-width: initial; border-top-color: initial; border-left-style: none; border-left-width: initial; border-left-color: initial; border-bottom-style: solid; border-bottom-color: windowtext; border-bottom-width: 0.5pt; border-right-style: solid; border-right- border-right-width: 0.5pt; padding-top: 0in; padding-right: 5.4pt; padding-bottom: 0in; padding-left: 5.4pt; color:windowtext;"><p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-GB"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;">Legacy of vengeance-seeking group grievance or group paranoia</span></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></span></p></td><td width="61" valign="top" style="width: 60.85pt; border-top-style: none; border-top-width: initial; border-top-color: initial; border-left-style: none; border-left-width: initial; border-left-color: initial; border-bottom-style: solid; border-bottom-color: windowtext; border-bottom-width: 0.5pt; border-right-style: solid; border-right- border-right-width: 0.5pt; padding-top: 0in; padding-right: 5.4pt; padding-bottom: 0in; padding-left: 5.4pt; color:windowtext;"><p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-GB"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color:#FF0000;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;">7.3</span></span></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></span></p></td></tr><tr><td width="31" valign="top" style="width: 30.55pt; border-right-style: solid; border-bottom-style: solid; border-left-style: solid; border-right-color: windowtext; border-bottom-color: windowtext; border-left-color: windowtext; border-right-width: 0.5pt; border-bottom-width: 0.5pt; border-left-width: 0.5pt; border-top-style: none; border-top-width: initial; border-top- padding-top: 0in; padding-right: 5.4pt; padding-bottom: 0in; padding-left: 5.4pt; color:initial;"><p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-GB"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;">4</span></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></span></p></td><td width="270" valign="top" style="width: 269.85pt; border-top-style: none; border-top-width: initial; border-top-color: initial; border-left-style: none; border-left-width: initial; border-left-color: initial; border-bottom-style: solid; border-bottom-color: windowtext; border-bottom-width: 0.5pt; border-right-style: solid; border-right- border-right-width: 0.5pt; padding-top: 0in; padding-right: 5.4pt; padding-bottom: 0in; padding-left: 5.4pt; color:windowtext;"><p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-GB"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;">Chronic and sustained human flight</span></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></span></p></td><td width="61" valign="top" style="width: 60.85pt; border-top-style: none; border-top-width: initial; border-top-color: initial; border-left-style: none; border-left-width: initial; border-left-color: initial; border-bottom-style: solid; border-bottom-color: windowtext; border-bottom-width: 0.5pt; border-right-style: solid; border-right- border-right-width: 0.5pt; padding-top: 0in; padding-right: 5.4pt; padding-bottom: 0in; padding-left: 5.4pt; color:windowtext;"><p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-GB"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color:#FF0000;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;">6.7</span></span></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></span></p></td></tr><tr><td width="31" valign="top" style="width: 30.55pt; border-right-style: solid; border-bottom-style: solid; border-left-style: solid; border-right-color: windowtext; border-bottom-color: windowtext; border-left-color: windowtext; border-right-width: 0.5pt; border-bottom-width: 0.5pt; border-left-width: 0.5pt; border-top-style: none; border-top-width: initial; border-top- padding-top: 0in; padding-right: 5.4pt; padding-bottom: 0in; padding-left: 5.4pt; color:initial;"><p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-GB"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;">5</span></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></span></p></td><td width="270" valign="top" style="width: 269.85pt; border-top-style: none; border-top-width: initial; border-top-color: initial; border-left-style: none; border-left-width: initial; border-left-color: initial; border-bottom-style: solid; border-bottom-color: windowtext; border-bottom-width: 0.5pt; border-right-style: solid; border-right- border-right-width: 0.5pt; padding-top: 0in; padding-right: 5.4pt; padding-bottom: 0in; padding-left: 5.4pt; color:windowtext;"><p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-GB"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;">Uneven economic development across group lines</span></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></span></p></td><td width="61" valign="top" style="width: 60.85pt; border-top-style: none; border-top-width: initial; border-top-color: initial; border-left-style: none; border-left-width: initial; border-left-color: initial; border-bottom-style: solid; border-bottom-color: windowtext; border-bottom-width: 0.5pt; border-right-style: solid; border-right- border-right-width: 0.5pt; padding-top: 0in; padding-right: 5.4pt; padding-bottom: 0in; padding-left: 5.4pt; color:windowtext;"><p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-GB"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color:#FF0000;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;">8.9</span></span></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></span></p></td></tr><tr><td width="31" valign="top" style="width: 30.55pt; border-right-style: solid; border-bottom-style: solid; border-left-style: solid; border-right-color: windowtext; border-bottom-color: windowtext; border-left-color: windowtext; border-right-width: 0.5pt; border-bottom-width: 0.5pt; border-left-width: 0.5pt; border-top-style: none; border-top-width: initial; border-top- padding-top: 0in; padding-right: 5.4pt; padding-bottom: 0in; padding-left: 5.4pt; color:initial;"><p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-GB"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;">6</span></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></span></p></td><td width="270" valign="top" style="width: 269.85pt; border-top-style: none; border-top-width: initial; border-top-color: initial; border-left-style: none; border-left-width: initial; border-left-color: initial; border-bottom-style: solid; border-bottom-color: windowtext; border-bottom-width: 0.5pt; border-right-style: solid; border-right- border-right-width: 0.5pt; padding-top: 0in; padding-right: 5.4pt; padding-bottom: 0in; padding-left: 5.4pt; color:windowtext;"><p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-GB"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;">Sharp and/ or severe economic decline</span></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></span></p></td><td width="61" valign="top" style="width: 60.85pt; border-top-style: none; border-top-width: initial; border-top-color: initial; border-left-style: none; border-left-width: initial; border-left-color: initial; border-bottom-style: solid; border-bottom-color: windowtext; border-bottom-width: 0.5pt; border-right-style: solid; border-right- border-right-width: 0.5pt; padding-top: 0in; padding-right: 5.4pt; padding-bottom: 0in; padding-left: 5.4pt; color:windowtext;"><p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-GB"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color:#FF0000;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;">5.0</span></span></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></span></p></td></tr><tr><td width="31" valign="top" style="width: 30.55pt; border-right-style: solid; border-bottom-style: solid; border-left-style: solid; border-right-color: windowtext; border-bottom-color: windowtext; border-left-color: windowtext; border-right-width: 0.5pt; border-bottom-width: 0.5pt; border-left-width: 0.5pt; border-top-style: none; border-top-width: initial; border-top- padding-top: 0in; padding-right: 5.4pt; padding-bottom: 0in; padding-left: 5.4pt; color:initial;"><p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-GB"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;">7</span></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></span></p></td><td width="270" valign="top" style="width: 269.85pt; border-top-style: none; border-top-width: initial; border-top-color: initial; border-left-style: none; border-left-width: initial; border-left-color: initial; border-bottom-style: solid; border-bottom-color: windowtext; border-bottom-width: 0.5pt; border-right-style: solid; border-right- border-right-width: 0.5pt; padding-top: 0in; padding-right: 5.4pt; padding-bottom: 0in; padding-left: 5.4pt; color:windowtext;"><p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-GB"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;">Criminalization and/ or delegitimization of the State</span></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></span></p></td><td width="61" valign="top" style="width: 60.85pt; border-top-style: none; border-top-width: initial; border-top-color: initial; border-left-style: none; border-left-width: initial; border-left-color: initial; border-bottom-style: solid; border-bottom-color: windowtext; border-bottom-width: 0.5pt; border-right-style: solid; border-right- border-right-width: 0.5pt; padding-top: 0in; padding-right: 5.4pt; padding-bottom: 0in; padding-left: 5.4pt; color:windowtext;"><p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-GB"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color:#FF0000;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;">5.5</span></span></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></span></p></td></tr><tr><td width="31" valign="top" style="width: 30.55pt; border-right-style: solid; border-bottom-style: solid; border-left-style: solid; border-right-color: windowtext; border-bottom-color: windowtext; border-left-color: windowtext; border-right-width: 0.5pt; border-bottom-width: 0.5pt; border-left-width: 0.5pt; border-top-style: none; border-top-width: initial; border-top- padding-top: 0in; padding-right: 5.4pt; padding-bottom: 0in; padding-left: 5.4pt; color:initial;"><p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-GB"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;">8</span></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></span></p></td><td width="270" valign="top" style="width: 269.85pt; border-top-style: none; border-top-width: initial; border-top-color: initial; border-left-style: none; border-left-width: initial; border-left-color: initial; border-bottom-style: solid; border-bottom-color: windowtext; border-bottom-width: 0.5pt; border-right-style: solid; border-right- border-right-width: 0.5pt; padding-top: 0in; padding-right: 5.4pt; padding-bottom: 0in; padding-left: 5.4pt; color:windowtext;"><p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-GB"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;">Progressive deterioration of public services</span></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></span></p></td><td width="61" valign="top" style="width: 60.85pt; border-top-style: none; border-top-width: initial; border-top-color: initial; border-left-style: none; border-left-width: initial; border-left-color: initial; border-bottom-style: solid; border-bottom-color: windowtext; border-bottom-width: 0.5pt; border-right-style: solid; border-right- border-right-width: 0.5pt; padding-top: 0in; padding-right: 5.4pt; padding-bottom: 0in; padding-left: 5.4pt; color:windowtext;"><p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-GB"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color:#FF0000;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;">7.0</span></span></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></span></p></td></tr><tr><td width="31" valign="top" style="width: 30.55pt; border-right-style: solid; border-bottom-style: solid; border-left-style: solid; border-right-color: windowtext; border-bottom-color: windowtext; border-left-color: windowtext; border-right-width: 0.5pt; border-bottom-width: 0.5pt; border-left-width: 0.5pt; border-top-style: none; border-top-width: initial; border-top- padding-top: 0in; padding-right: 5.4pt; padding-bottom: 0in; padding-left: 5.4pt; color:initial;"><p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-GB"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;">9</span></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></span></p></td><td width="270" valign="top" style="width: 269.85pt; border-top-style: none; border-top-width: initial; border-top-color: initial; border-left-style: none; border-left-width: initial; border-left-color: initial; border-bottom-style: solid; border-bottom-color: windowtext; border-bottom-width: 0.5pt; border-right-style: solid; border-right- border-right-width: 0.5pt; padding-top: 0in; padding-right: 5.4pt; padding-bottom: 0in; padding-left: 5.4pt; color:windowtext;"><p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-GB"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;">Suspension or arbitrary application of the rule of law and widespread violation of human rights</span></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></span></p></td><td width="61" valign="top" style="width: 60.85pt; border-top-style: none; border-top-width: initial; border-top-color: initial; border-left-style: none; border-left-width: initial; border-left-color: initial; border-bottom-style: solid; border-bottom-color: windowtext; border-bottom-width: 0.5pt; border-right-style: solid; border-right- border-right-width: 0.5pt; padding-top: 0in; padding-right: 5.4pt; padding-bottom: 0in; padding-left: 5.4pt; color:windowtext;"><p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-GB"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color:#FF0000;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;">6.0</span></span></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></span></p></td></tr><tr><td width="31" valign="top" style="width: 30.55pt; border-right-style: solid; border-bottom-style: solid; border-left-style: solid; border-right-color: windowtext; border-bottom-color: windowtext; border-left-color: windowtext; border-right-width: 0.5pt; border-bottom-width: 0.5pt; border-left-width: 0.5pt; border-top-style: none; border-top-width: initial; border-top- padding-top: 0in; padding-right: 5.4pt; padding-bottom: 0in; padding-left: 5.4pt; color:initial;"><p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-GB"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;">10</span></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></span></p></td><td width="270" valign="top" style="width: 269.85pt; border-top-style: none; border-top-width: initial; border-top-color: initial; border-left-style: none; border-left-width: initial; border-left-color: initial; border-bottom-style: solid; border-bottom-color: windowtext; border-bottom-width: 0.5pt; border-right-style: solid; border-right- border-right-width: 0.5pt; padding-top: 0in; padding-right: 5.4pt; padding-bottom: 0in; padding-left: 5.4pt; color:windowtext;"><p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-GB"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;">Security apparatus operates as a “State within a State”</span></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></span></p></td><td width="61" valign="top" style="width: 60.85pt; border-top-style: none; border-top-width: initial; border-top-color: initial; border-left-style: none; border-left-width: initial; border-left-color: initial; border-bottom-style: solid; border-bottom-color: windowtext; border-bottom-width: 0.5pt; border-right-style: solid; border-right- border-right-width: 0.5pt; padding-top: 0in; padding-right: 5.4pt; padding-bottom: 0in; padding-left: 5.4pt; color:windowtext;"><p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-GB"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color:#FF0000;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;">7.1</span></span></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></span></p></td></tr><tr><td width="31" valign="top" style="width: 30.55pt; border-right-style: solid; border-bottom-style: solid; border-left-style: solid; border-right-color: windowtext; border-bottom-color: windowtext; border-left-color: windowtext; border-right-width: 0.5pt; border-bottom-width: 0.5pt; border-left-width: 0.5pt; border-top-style: none; border-top-width: initial; border-top- padding-top: 0in; padding-right: 5.4pt; padding-bottom: 0in; padding-left: 5.4pt; color:initial;"><p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-GB"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;">11</span></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></span></p></td><td width="270" valign="top" style="width: 269.85pt; border-top-style: none; border-top-width: initial; border-top-color: initial; border-left-style: none; border-left-width: initial; border-left-color: initial; border-bottom-style: solid; border-bottom-color: windowtext; border-bottom-width: 0.5pt; border-right-style: solid; border-right- border-right-width: 0.5pt; padding-top: 0in; padding-right: 5.4pt; padding-bottom: 0in; padding-left: 5.4pt; color:windowtext;"><p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-GB"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;">Rise of factionalized elites</span></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></span></p></td><td width="61" valign="top" style="width: 60.85pt; border-top-style: none; border-top-width: initial; border-top-color: initial; border-left-style: none; border-left-width: initial; border-left-color: initial; border-bottom-style: solid; border-bottom-color: windowtext; border-bottom-width: 0.5pt; border-right-style: solid; border-right- border-right-width: 0.5pt; padding-top: 0in; padding-right: 5.4pt; padding-bottom: 0in; padding-left: 5.4pt; color:windowtext;"><p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-GB"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color:#FF0000;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;">6.0</span></span></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></span></p></td></tr><tr><td width="31" valign="top" style="width: 30.55pt; border-right-style: solid; border-bottom-style: solid; border-left-style: solid; border-right-color: windowtext; border-bottom-color: windowtext; border-left-color: windowtext; border-right-width: 0.5pt; border-bottom-width: 0.5pt; border-left-width: 0.5pt; border-top-style: none; border-top-width: initial; border-top- padding-top: 0in; padding-right: 5.4pt; padding-bottom: 0in; padding-left: 5.4pt; color:initial;"><p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-GB"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;">12</span></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></span></p></td><td width="270" valign="top" style="width: 269.85pt; border-top-style: none; border-top-width: initial; border-top-color: initial; border-left-style: none; border-left-width: initial; border-left-color: initial; border-bottom-style: solid; border-bottom-color: windowtext; border-bottom-width: 0.5pt; border-right-style: solid; border-right- border-right-width: 0.5pt; padding-top: 0in; padding-right: 5.4pt; padding-bottom: 0in; padding-left: 5.4pt; color:windowtext;"><p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-GB"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;">Intervention of other states or external political actors</span></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></span></p></td><td width="61" valign="top" style="width: 60.85pt; border-top-style: none; border-top-width: initial; border-top-color: initial; border-left-style: none; border-left-width: initial; border-left-color: initial; border-bottom-style: solid; border-bottom-color: windowtext; border-bottom-width: 0.5pt; border-right-style: solid; border-right- border-right-width: 0.5pt; padding-top: 0in; padding-right: 5.4pt; padding-bottom: 0in; padding-left: 5.4pt; color:windowtext;"><p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-GB"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color:#FF0000;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;">5.1</span></span></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></span></p></td></tr><tr><td width="31" valign="top" style="width: 30.55pt; border-right-style: solid; border-bottom-style: solid; border-left-style: solid; border-right-color: windowtext; border-bottom-color: windowtext; border-left-color: windowtext; border-right-width: 0.5pt; border-bottom-width: 0.5pt; border-left-width: 0.5pt; border-top-style: none; border-top-width: initial; border-top- padding-top: 0in; padding-right: 5.4pt; padding-bottom: 0in; padding-left: 5.4pt; color:initial;"><p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-GB"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></span></p></td><td width="270" valign="top" style="width: 269.85pt; border-top-style: none; border-top-width: initial; border-top-color: initial; border-left-style: none; border-left-width: initial; border-left-color: initial; border-bottom-style: solid; border-bottom-color: windowtext; border-bottom-width: 0.5pt; border-right-style: solid; border-right- border-right-width: 0.5pt; padding-top: 0in; padding-right: 5.4pt; padding-bottom: 0in; padding-left: 5.4pt; color:windowtext;"><p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-GB"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;">Total</span></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></span></p></td><td width="61" valign="top" style="width: 60.85pt; border-top-style: none; border-top-width: initial; border-top-color: initial; border-left-style: none; border-left-width: initial; border-left-color: initial; border-bottom-style: solid; border-bottom-color: windowtext; border-bottom-width: 0.5pt; border-right-style: solid; border-right- border-right-width: 0.5pt; padding-top: 0in; padding-right: 5.4pt; padding-bottom: 0in; padding-left: 5.4pt; color:windowtext;"><p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-GB"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color:#FF0000;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;">77.8</span></span></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></span></p></td></tr></tbody></table><p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-GB"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-GB"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-GB"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-GB"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-GB"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-GB"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-GB"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-GB"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-GB"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-GB"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-GB"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-GB"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-GB"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-GB"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;"> </span></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;"><br /></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;"><br /></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;"><br /></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;"><br /></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;"><br /></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;"><br /></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;"><br /></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;"><br /></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;"><br /></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;"><br /></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;"><br /></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><br /></p><p class="MsoNormal"><br /></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: georgia, serif; ">While the most recent analysis of the scores is not yet available, past assessments by the organizations and recent news are useful in deciphering the factors that may have contributed to these scores.</span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-GB"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;">1) The score on the demographic pressure metric is due to high population density relative to food supply and other essential resources in the country, and </span></span><a href="http://www.thehindubusinessline.com/2010/06/07/stories/2010060750390800.htm"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;">pressures from skewed population growth</span></span></a><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;"> that have led to a “youth bulge”.</span></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-GB"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;">2) India does not have a major refugee or IDP problem but does have a </span></span><a href="file:///Library/publications/the-world-factbook/fields/2194.html#in"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;">manageable influx of refugees</span></span></a><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;"> from Tibet, Afghanistan and Sri Lanka.</span></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-GB"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;">3) Group grievance scores are high primarily in Kashmir, as a result of the rise of militant groups, communal violence, and tensions between India and Pakistan. An increasingly violent Maoist insurgency and the rise of Naxalism have also exacerbated grievances.</span></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-GB"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;">4) Human flight indicators remain high for India as a significant percentage of the country’s educated population leave to </span></span><a href="http://www.thaindian.com/newsportal/business/students-exodus-costs-india-forex-outflow-of-10-bn-assocham_100147339.html"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;">study</span></span></a><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;"> or find </span></span><a href="http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/south_asia/1432702.stm"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;">jobs</span></span></a><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;"> elsewhere.</span></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-GB"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;">(5) and (6) The Indian economy has rapidly developed and established itself as the </span></span><a href="http://www.ers.usda.gov/Briefing/India/"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;">world’s second-fastest growing economy</span></span></a><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;">. India’s recently updated foreign direct investment policy (2005) has helped further open markets. And India’s significant economic growth (</span></span><a href="http://online.wsj.com/article/BT-CO-20100622-707571.html?mod=WSJ_latestheadlines"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;">GDP increased by 6.8 % in 2009 despite a global recession</span></span></a><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;">) has been </span></span><a href="http://icmr.nic.in/ijmr/2007/october/1014.pdf"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;">inequitable</span></span></a><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;">, as a large section of the population lives in poverty.</span></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-GB"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;">7) Politicians running campaigns and being elected to office while on trial for </span></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;"><a href="http://www.indiadaily.com/editorial/19218.asp">criminal charges</a> </span></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;">have undermined state legitimacy. While Indian law prohibits </span></span><a href="http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/south_asia/3527710.stm"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;">convicted criminals</span></span></a><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;"> from holding office, nothing prevents them from doing so until they have been convicted. Apart from the growth of crime syndicates linked to government officials, there is endemic corruption and widespread resistance to accountability and transparency—something the recently passed </span></span><a href="http://righttoinformation.gov.in/"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;">Right to Information Act</span></span></a><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;"> may improve.</span></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-GB"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;">The FfP’s most recent assessment of India’s core state institutions:</span></span></span></p></div><a onblur="try {parent.deselectBloggerImageGracefully();} catch(e) {}" href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjVjMLehBQG-QDO4oQvMyubIA9nlIyw2nDlnzccn8-0S6FLq6gH-mirTHR_kWgYyf2CZOOXQfHGZQ1SofrETzNtCGQdGjOKiitYutxN9dTHpqeDcpAliYqcPwwqAx3kHtG9tbJErWF7mN6Q/s1600/state+institutions.jpg"><img style="display:block; margin:0px auto 10px; text-align:center;cursor:pointer; cursor:hand;width: 320px; height: 62px;" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjVjMLehBQG-QDO4oQvMyubIA9nlIyw2nDlnzccn8-0S6FLq6gH-mirTHR_kWgYyf2CZOOXQfHGZQ1SofrETzNtCGQdGjOKiitYutxN9dTHpqeDcpAliYqcPwwqAx3kHtG9tbJErWF7mN6Q/s320/state+institutions.jpg" border="0" alt="" id="BLOGGER_PHOTO_ID_5490759088735914626" /></a><p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-GB"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;">8) The quality of public services is severely lacking, especially in rural areas. Nonetheless, government efforts to improve health and education services (such as through the </span></span><a href="http://mohfw.nic.in/NRHM.htm"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;">NRHM</span></span></a><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;">) have contributed to an improving score on this metric. Significant efforts this year—the </span></span><a href="http://www.righttofoodindia.org/"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;">Right to Food</span></span></a><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;"> Act and the </span></span><a href="http://www.educationforallinindia.com/"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;">Right to Education</span></span></a><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;">—may further help.</span></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-GB"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;">9) India has a decent human rights record, having recently made concrete steps toward expanding the rights of </span></span><a href="http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/articleshow/5663003.cms"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;">women</span></span></a><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;"> and </span></span><a href="http://www.indianexpress.com/news/Law-like-love/641306"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;">LGBT</span></span></a><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;"> populations. However, the state is sometimes accused of preventing human rights organizations from entering </span></span><a href="http://www.indiatogether.org/peace/kashmir/articles/indhr.htm"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;">Kashmir</span></span></a><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;">.</span></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-GB"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;">10) The rise of militant groups as well as the power wielded by </span></span><a href="http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/Medieval-justice-Kangaroo-courts-call-the-shots-in-TN/articleshow/6052384.cms"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;">Kangaroo courts</span></span></a><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;"> and </span></span><a href="http://www.dnaindia.com/india/report_government-plans-to-tighten-noose-on-khap-panchayats_1400914"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;">unofficial governing bodies</span></span></a><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;"> in rural areas impact performance on this metric. Populations often turn to these bodies to address their grievances due to social custom or a lack of confidence in elected officials.</span></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-GB"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;">11) Communal, caste and regional tensions are sometimes reflected in government which has led to the factionalization of elites, but this is often mitigated by India’s functioning democracy.</span></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;"><span lang="EN-GB"></span></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-GB"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;">The quality of public services is a metric that India consistently performs poorly on. Whereas demographic pressures fluctuate with factors like natural disasters that lead to a massive loss of life, the progressive deterioration of public services can perhaps more effectively be tackled through systemic reforms and improved accountability. It’s important to note that India’s score of 7.0 on this metric puts it behind countries like Ghana, Kazakhstan, Namibia that it is more developed than in other categories.</span></span></span></p><!--StartFragment--> <p class="MsoNormal"><i><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;">The writer is an intern at the Accountability Initiative. </span></span></i></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-GB"> <o:p></o:p></span></p> <!--EndFragment-->Rishiv Khattarhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/10691620679323841111noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2564387602487793450.post-53560010309863187762010-07-06T04:33:00.000-07:002010-07-06T04:35:35.819-07:00From Outlays to Outcomes- Getting Development from Development Expenditures<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; border-collapse: collapse; "><span style="font-size: 10.5pt; ">I</span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;">n August 2009, </span></span><span style="background-repeat: initial; background-color: rgb(207, 223, 229); "><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;">AI</span></span></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;"> and the Centre for Development Finance, Institute for Financial Management and Research organised a conference entitled “From Outlays to Outcomes - Getting Development from Development Expenditures” in New Delhi. The papers presented at the conference have been featured in a special issue of </span></span><a href="http://www.informaworld.com/smpp/title%7Edb=all%7Econtent=g922646385%7Etab=toc" target="_blank" style="color: rgb(87, 151, 176); "><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;">India Review (Volume 9 Issue 2 2010)</span></span></a><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;">. These include a section of guest editor papers, a number of papers discussing accountability in public expenditures in India, and a review essay on decentralization, institutions and accountability. </span></span></span>Rishiv Khattarhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/10691620679323841111noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2564387602487793450.post-9581425830740009052010-07-01T02:30:00.000-07:002010-07-07T03:28:23.978-07:00Health Care Spending Rising Faster Than Economic Growth In Industrialized Countries – OECD Health Data 2010<div><span class="Apple-style-span" style=" ;font-family:Times, serif;font-size:-webkit-xxx-large;"><p><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia, serif;"> <!--StartFragment--> </span></p><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia, serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style=" ;font-size:small;"><div><p style="margin: 0.0px 0.0px 16.0px 0.0px; font: 16.0px Georgia"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;">While India is still struggling to live up to the “Nine is Mine” dream (calling for 9% of GDP to be committed to health and education), according to </span></span><a href="http://www.oecd.org/document/11/0,3343,en_2649_34631_45549771_1_1_1_37407,00.html"><span style="text-decoration: underline ; color:#001ee6;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;">OECD’s Health Data 2010</span></span></span></a><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;">, in leading industrialized countries, the health care spending is rising faster than economic growth. The study reports:</span></span></p></div><ul><li><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: small;">Average health spending in the 31 member OECD counties has increased from 7.8 percent of GDP in 2000 to 9.0 percent in 2008 –averaging around 8.4% of the GDP.</span></li><li><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: small;">During the same period, health spending per person increased by 4.2% a year on average.</span></li><li><span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: small;">Governments of most OECD countries shoulder most of the burden of healthcare costs. </span></span><span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: small;">Public expenditure has increased from an average of 12% of total government spending in 1990 to a record 16% in 2008.</span></span></li><li><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: small;">United States tops the list, spending 7,538 dollars per person on health care in 2008, more than double the average 3,000 dollars for all OECD countries.</span></li></ul></span><p></p></span></span><p></p></div><a onblur="try {parent.deselectBloggerImageGracefully();} catch(e) {}" href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi3REtFV16ioImX2jtN4MHTRbjQDQ_9aytC53fp2QeNg3NLzPYLP12yr8QWAz1l0NUwXjTivYgqKM_K_-Q_WrwLbTaxc-mO6PeVXAOz8RxLxiLPseOgTafTfF9GgeJjvlxn3b7VpV6AIaHY/s1600/201027NAC720.jpg"><img style="display:block; margin:0px auto 10px; text-align:center;cursor:pointer; cursor:hand;width: 320px; height: 310px;" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi3REtFV16ioImX2jtN4MHTRbjQDQ_9aytC53fp2QeNg3NLzPYLP12yr8QWAz1l0NUwXjTivYgqKM_K_-Q_WrwLbTaxc-mO6PeVXAOz8RxLxiLPseOgTafTfF9GgeJjvlxn3b7VpV6AIaHY/s320/201027NAC720.jpg" border="0" alt="" id="BLOGGER_PHOTO_ID_5488879344146210386" /></a><br /><a onblur="try {parent.deselectBloggerImageGracefully();} catch(e) {}" href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjMIJ0wF3RI20RdWTmTMfDTiTfHm2EZ0WA7cPtBGC_nwmWkaZOMaRL_E2hRXQnkYD8AWeiK8HDA1LkJfnZPKsTnOycL8jpNN6gqiv02IYdj8LRUpzcFitFtav_SNTCc_57icCSULR4Uk6ok/s1600/45549848Health+data+2010.png"><img style="display:block; margin:0px auto 10px; text-align:center;cursor:pointer; cursor:hand;width: 320px; height: 224px;" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjMIJ0wF3RI20RdWTmTMfDTiTfHm2EZ0WA7cPtBGC_nwmWkaZOMaRL_E2hRXQnkYD8AWeiK8HDA1LkJfnZPKsTnOycL8jpNN6gqiv02IYdj8LRUpzcFitFtav_SNTCc_57icCSULR4Uk6ok/s320/45549848Health+data+2010.png" border="0" alt="" id="BLOGGER_PHOTO_ID_5488879334773593810" /></a><br /><span class="Apple-style-span" style=" white-space: pre-wrap; font-family:'Lucida Grande';font-size:11px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style=" white-space: normal; font-family:Times;font-size:medium;"><p><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:'Lucida Grande', serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="white-space: pre-wrap;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia, serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style=" white-space: normal;font-size:small;"><br /></span></span></span></span></p></span></span>Rishiv Khattarhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/10691620679323841111noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2564387602487793450.post-83644340231509254692010-06-28T04:25:00.000-07:002010-07-01T07:50:40.607-07:00UID: Thoughts from an Erstwhile Skeptic<span style="font-weight:bold;">Avani Kapur</span><br /><br />Last month I attended a Consultation Workshop on the Unique Identification Authority of India (UIDAI), now called AADHAR. With the first UID numbers being issued between August 2010 and February 2011, this was a part of UIDAI’s campaign to hold a wide range of consultations with Civil Society Organizations in various parts of the country. <br /><br />For those of us, who are curious about the UID, and recognize the potential benefits it can have (can being the operative word here) but yet have our reservations, the workshop was definitely enlightening. One of the main things that came out from the consultation was the amount of confusion that still exists about what exactly the UID can and cannot do and how much of an invasion of privacy it actually is.<br /><br />I thought it would thus be useful to lay out some facts regarding the UID. <br /><br /><span style="font-weight:bold;">Fact 1</span>: The UID itself will collect <span style="font-weight:bold;">only</span> standard attributes such as name, date of birth, gender, father/mother/spouse/guardians name, address and a photograph. The only unique information is the biometrics (10 fingerprints and both iris scans).<br /><br /><span style="font-weight:bold;">Fact 2 :</span> The UID will be given to <span style="font-weight:bold;">all</span> residents who are in India and avail services and not just citizens.<br /><br /><span style="font-weight:bold;">Fact 3: </span>The information in the database will be used only for authentication purposes and will not be shared or transmitted. Anyone seeking to authenticate the identity of another person using the UID database – will only get a response in YES or NO.<br /> <br /><span style="font-weight:bold;">Fact 4:</span> The UIDAI is working on a partnership model with a variety of agencies and service providers ( both government and private sector) to enroll residents for UID Numbers and verify their identity. For e.g. Insurance companies, LPG marketing companies, RSBY, MG-NREGA etc. The UIDAI will also engage with Outreach Groups (essentially CSOs) to target, the homeless, urban poor, tribals, differently-abled population of the country etc.<br /><br /><span style="font-weight:bold;">Fact 5:</span> The UID database will be guarded both physically and electronically by a few select individuals with high clearance. It will not be available even for many members of the UID staff and will be secured through encryption, and in a highly secure data vault.<br /><br />Sounds good so far? The obvious question then is that if these ideas are indeed so good then why are people so skeptical and in some cases even taking an extreme position of completely rejecting the UIDAI. I think the answer is nuanced and symptomatic to deeper issues.<br /><br />Broadly there are 4 main concerns regarding the UID, namely, concerns over exclusion, individual privacy, and misuse of data and finally whether the benefits outweigh the costs. Let’s deal with them one by one.<br /><br /><span style="font-weight:bold;">Exclusion </span><br />While the UID team keeps stressing that the UID is voluntary but the fact of the matter is, for all practical purposes, in time, it will become mandatory as service providers may require a person to have a UID to access services. The concern then is, what will happen to those who are unable or purposely unallowed to get the UID.<br /><br />The case of exclusion is definitely a concern – but not limited to the UID alone. Instead, the UID for its part has tried to mitigate against this by having an introducer system and getting ngos to assist in the enrolment process. Now it is the job of all the enrolling agencies to make sure that everyone has access to it and for us, civil society to assist in the process.<br /><br /><span style="font-weight:bold;">Individual Privacy and Misuse of Data</span><br />The UID itself only collects standard attributes, but since the enrolling system is through partnership with existing agencies such as LIC, banks, PDS shops, nrega job cards etc - the full board of the UIDAI may have additional data fields related to identity. The fear being , this kind of information could compromise privacy of the people, and leave it open for misuse—racial profiling being an obvious threat. <br /><br />This is a legitimate fear, but blaming the UID itself for this, is not.<br /><br />On the one hand, the question of privacy in itself is a very “urban” concept. No one really talks about the fact that for NREGA, muster rolls, job cards and daily wages are a matter of public knowledge and are instead considered important components for accountability and transparency. Moreover, anyone not privileged enough to have a permanent address or identity proof will ascertain to the fact that finally having some sort of “identity” would alleviate the challenges of something as basic as getting children into school, getting a telephone connection or even a death certificate.<br /><br />Second, a host of our personal information is already publically available and there are no guarantees that they are not prone to misuse. The Election Commission and Census already collect a lot of our personal information; the railways make the names and ages of passengers public each time we travel , not to mention online social interaction sites such as Facebook , Orkut and Twitter, which are often prone to hacking. <br /><br /><a onblur="try {parent.deselectBloggerImageGracefully();} catch(e) {}" href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEh_DV54MiRgMAPXqrX3KLnGdZOOz17Cgte9RaJKNRtIQvF-FLqENlu0Y_GREuBSvY04rua8ZRBWNPuTSQB9Oao28FNUU9zJyFPVfDMqANKxQgfki5XoKs31fFUBBxbdxNF8Tjdm7bmQsdUX/s1600/1055_540x517.gif"><img style="display:block; margin:0px auto 10px; text-align:center;cursor:pointer; cursor:hand;width: 320px; height: 306px;" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEh_DV54MiRgMAPXqrX3KLnGdZOOz17Cgte9RaJKNRtIQvF-FLqENlu0Y_GREuBSvY04rua8ZRBWNPuTSQB9Oao28FNUU9zJyFPVfDMqANKxQgfki5XoKs31fFUBBxbdxNF8Tjdm7bmQsdUX/s320/1055_540x517.gif" border="0" alt=""id="BLOGGER_PHOTO_ID_5487847473137731890" /></a><br /><br />So even without the UID, what is urgently needed is a law protecting our privacy. Last week, the UPA government appointed a panel to create a blueprint for a new law guaranteeing a citizen’s right to privacy. Once in place, the law is meant to recognize the right to privacy of an individual as a fundamental right and have in place provisions against wrongful collection of and misuse of data. While it remains to be seen what shape the law will take, it has to be said, in a way the UID has finally made us think about this important issue. <br /><br />Lastly, <span style="font-weight:bold;">Expenditure</span><br />With crores of rupees being put into the operationalisation of UID – is it really worth it? <br /><br />Lets be clear, the UID itself will not solve all of the world’s problems. However, what it does have the potential to do is to centralize and clean up the government databases – a huge step in itself. Anyone who has gone through government databases knows that often, it can be like looking for a needle in a haystack (for more details please see <a href="http://accountabilityindia.blogspot.com/2009/11/show-me-money-trials-and-tribulations.html">here</a>)<br /><br />And having authentic, clean, reliable data can be an important step in better delivering our services. Take for example the PDS. While the UID may not be able to solve the problem of people not being included in the BPL list and hence being excluded from the PDS system, it should be able to solve problems related to leakages (<a href="http://accountabilityindia.blogspot.com/2010/06/potential-concerns-with-proposed-food_24.html">see post below</a>) and the presence of a large number of fake ration cards – all of which are literally money down the drain. <br /><br />Finally, let’s remember, like with most things, the UID model is only as good as its application!<br /><br /><span style="font-style:italic;">Avani Kapur is Researcher and Coordinator, PAISA Project at the Accountability Initiative</span>Rishiv Khattarhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/10691620679323841111noreply@blogger.com6tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2564387602487793450.post-74639297454652276322010-06-25T08:18:00.000-07:002010-06-25T08:26:24.187-07:00Debate on the National Food Security Bill<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Garamond; font-size: medium; "><div><b>Gayatri Sahgal</b></div><div><br /></div><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: small;">An essential aspect of ensuring that benefits reach the desired beneficiaries includes the ability of beneficiaries to hold the power holders to account; to make them responsible for their behaviour and actions. In the context of the debate on right to food, the first draft bill formulated by the government, titled ‘The National Food Security Bill’, failed to comprehensively address such core concerns. Accountability issues were largely glossed over with only respite involving a commitment to ensure the monitoring of finances by the Gram Sabha, through the medium of social audits. Notwithstanding, the limited discussion on accountability the main provisions of the proposed Act were widely attacked by civil society groups and academicians. The strongest opposition has emerged from the Right to Food Campaign who expressed their displeasure by formulating an alternative draft proposal. This proposal, referred to as the ‘Food and Entitlement Act’, while calling for a need to consolidate and expand existing entitlements along with addressing the structural causes of food insecurity, also included a separate section exclusively dedicated to addressing issues of accountability. The draft proposed the need to empower the Gram Sabha with the powers to monitor the implementation of the act, as well offered a detailed outline of the structure of the grievance redressal to be established to address complaints related to the violation of the provision the act. With the debate on the right to food stirring up again it seems prudent to take stock of how the accountability debate has been structured thus far.</span></span></span><div></div><div><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;"></span></span></div><div><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: small;"><br /></span></span></div><div><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: small;">Click </span></span><a href="http://docs.google.com/View?id=dxk5hm9_21g355w9cb"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: small;">here</span></span></a><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: small;"> to view a table comparing the accountability provisions in the 'National Food Security Bill' and the 'Food and Entitlement Act'. </span></span></div>Rishiv Khattarhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/10691620679323841111noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2564387602487793450.post-55449387609105808542010-06-24T03:31:00.000-07:002010-06-24T04:33:49.567-07:00Potential Concerns with the Proposed Food Security Bill<div><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-weight: bold; "><div><b><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: small;">Yamini Aiyar and Gayatri Sahgal</span></b></div><div><b><p class="MsoNormal"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-weight: normal; "><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;">On Friday, relevant ministries in the Government of India and the National Advisory council are going to start a round of negotiations to finalize the much awaited food security bill. The key issue up for debate is the question of universalization of the entitlement. The initial draft bill restricted the entitlement to the country’s poorest. The current negotiations are an effort to push for universal coverage as well as for a wider grain basket. The second and perhaps more critical issue for debate is the steps that need to be considered to deal with the widespread corruption and leakage in the current Public Distribution system. The new draft bill prepared by the planning commission has proposed that the disbursement process be linked to the UID which could deal help with the elimination of bogus cards ( to give a sense of the scale of the problem- since 2006, 5,300,000 bogus ration cards had been identified in West Bengal. Andhra Pradesh wasn’t far behind at 1,046,000 and Orissa was amongst the lowest at 250,000!). Linking with the UID is one important way of dealing with the corruption menace. But, corruption and leakage in the PDS is not just about bogus cards. At every step of the delivery chain, the system is plagues with perverse incentives that make accountability and efficient delivery impossible. To give you a sense of the problem, the Accountability Initiatives’ Gayatri Sahgal analyses the different levels of corruption in the PDS system. If the new bill is to ensure that entitlements reach the poorest, problems at every level of the system need to be addressed. This requires the political will to address systemic failures and undertake radical administrative reforms. Let's hope the new bill provides for that!</span></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-weight: normal; "><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;"></span></span></span></p><p align="justify"><span><b><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;">Diversion and Leakages in the PDS System</span></span></b></span></p><p align="justify"><span><i><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-weight: normal; "><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;">Key Facts</span></span></span></i></span></p><ul type="DISC"><li><span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-weight: normal; "><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;">There are significant leakages in the functioning of the PDS system. Only about 42% of subsidized grains issued from the Central Pool reach the target group. Over 36% of the budgetary subsidies on food is siphoned off the supply chain and another 21% reaches the APL households.</span></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"> (</span></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-weight: 300; line-height: 17px; "><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;"><a href="http://www.planningcommission.nic.in/reports/peoreport/peo/peo_tpdsmarch05.pdf"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;">Performance Evaluation of Targeted Public Distribution System </span></a></span></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;"><a href="http://www.planningcommission.nic.in/reports/peoreport/peo/peo_tpdsmarch05.pdf"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;">Planning commission, 2005</span></a><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;">).</span></span></span></span></li><li><span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-weight: normal; "><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;">Data regarding the leakages in terms of t</span></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;">ype of food grain revealed 36% diversion of wheat, 31% diversion of rice and 23% diversion of sugar. Diversion appears to be more of a feature of northern, eastern and north Eastern states (Saxena, 2009).</span></span></span></span></li><li><span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-weight: normal; "><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;">Share of food subsidy received by Below Poverty Line (BPL) families and Antyodaya Anna Yojana (AAY) scheme has been decreasing. In FY 2008-09, BPL and AAY received 84% of total food subsidy released, down from 80 % in FY 2006-07 (Accountability Initiative, 2010).</span></span></span></span></li><li><span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-weight: normal; "><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;">Amongst the States, Bihar and Punjab have the highest rates of leakages; more than 75% of the grain allotted from the central pool fails to reach the intended beneficiaries. States such as AP, Kerala, Orissa, Tamil Nadu, and West Bengal, record leakages below 25% and are considered to be low leakage states (Planning Commission, 2005).</span></span></span></span></li><li><span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-weight: normal; "><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;">At the level of the Fair Price Shops FPS, states such as Haryana, Bihar and Punjab record the highest levels of leakages (above 50%), while states such as HP, Assam, MP, Orissa, Tamil Nadu, and West Bengal record rates of leakages less than 10% (Planning Commission, 2005).</span></span></span></span></li><li><span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-weight: normal; "><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;">The FPSs are generally not viable because of low annual turnover and they remain in business through leakages and diversions of subsidised grains (Planning Commission, 2005).</span></span></span></span></li><li><span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-weight: normal; "><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;">Though the off-take per household has shown some improvement under TPDS, yet only about 57% of the BPL households are covered by the TPDS (Planning Commission, 2005).</span></span></span></span></li><li><span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-weight: normal; "><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;">The cost of income transfer to the poor through PDS is much higher than that through other modes. According to the study, for one rupee worth of income transfer to the poor, the GoI spends Rs 3.65, indicating that one rupee of budgetary consumer subsidy is worth only 27 paise to the poor (Saxena, 2009).</span></span></span></span></li><li><span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-weight: normal; "><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;">Leakages due to improper storage and transportation facilities are also significant. In FY 2008-09, Rs. 101 crore and Rs. 133 crore was lost due to poor storage and transportation respectively (</span><a href="http://www.accountabilityindia.org/admin/uploads/vitalfiles/55_1268110430.pdf"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;">Food Subsidy Budget Brief, Accountability Initiative, 2010</span></a><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;">).</span></span></span></span></li><li><span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-weight: normal; "><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;">Leakages in the form of ghost cards are also widely prevalent. In West Bengal, 53 lakh fake ration cards were cancelled from July 2006 till December 2009 (Accountability Initiative, 2010).</span></span></span></span></li></ul><div><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-weight: normal; "><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><br /></span></span></span></div><div><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-weight: normal; "><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;">Click to view the </span></span></span><a href="http://spreadsheets.google.com/pub?key=0AlbBg6mgtoBndEkzTmxyQWM5WG03cXZhUjc1c3RoYXc&hl=en&single=true&gid=0&output=html"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-weight: normal; "><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;">Leakages and Diversions in the Public Distribution System.</span></span></span></a><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-weight: normal; "><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"> </span></span></span></div><div><span class="Apple-style-span" style=" font-weight: normal;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><br /></span></span></span></div></b></div></span></div><div><br /></div><div><b><p></p> <!--EndFragment--> </b></div>Rishiv Khattarhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/10691620679323841111noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2564387602487793450.post-54997729352015353652010-06-08T02:27:00.000-07:002010-06-08T02:41:02.583-07:00The UPA-II Government's Unfulfilled Promises<div>Yamini Aiyar, Director of the Accountability Initiative, assesses the performance of the UPA government. </div><div>(Click on the image to enlarge text.)</div><div><br /></div><a onblur="try {parent.deselectBloggerImageGracefully();} catch(e) {}" href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhAgjmrlZfcQrp3FAPX5lYkIlkFwO7gexkUEnVj8QyLrXHioXCVSJ5mAqUqfyWmYOIRL_qNaPWbzIFxrAIc_cYvLVn3QU0LPX41dCcQ1KoP1PNrP_Bt5BRT4kebGckUo7oN_qihx70qCT1Q/s1600/KAGAJ+PAR+REH+GAYE+KUCH+VADE.jpg"><img style="display:block; margin:0px auto 10px; text-align:center;cursor:pointer; cursor:hand;width: 400px; height: 283px;" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhAgjmrlZfcQrp3FAPX5lYkIlkFwO7gexkUEnVj8QyLrXHioXCVSJ5mAqUqfyWmYOIRL_qNaPWbzIFxrAIc_cYvLVn3QU0LPX41dCcQ1KoP1PNrP_Bt5BRT4kebGckUo7oN_qihx70qCT1Q/s400/KAGAJ+PAR+REH+GAYE+KUCH+VADE.jpg" border="0" alt="" id="BLOGGER_PHOTO_ID_5480333410852173282" /></a>Rishiv Khattarhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/10691620679323841111noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2564387602487793450.post-35867694525234241422010-06-07T22:31:00.000-07:002010-06-07T23:29:58.899-07:00Grievance Redressal Mechanisms - The Ombudsman in Kerala<span style="font-weight:bold;">Joshua Stark</span><br /><br />An elderly man, standing beside his daughter, is yelling and waving his arms. “A tree is overhanging his property and polluting his pond” whispers my Malayalam translator. “He wants it removed, but the panchayat has done nothing”. The man pauses briefly before resuming his offensive. His embattled target is another elderly man, a retired high court judge – the Ombudsman of Kerala. He is here in the northern city of Kannur in Kerala for two days to hold sittings and hear grievances – though they are not all as colourful as this one.<br /><br />The Ombudsman – literally, the people's protector – is originally a Swedish institution which has since been adopted widely across the world. At its core, the Ombudsman is an office which dedicates itself to receiving, investigating and resolving citizen's complaints against government. The intent is to create an independent and powerful check on government bodies – state bureaucracies, service providers, and other state institutions. To do this, the Swedish Ombudsman for instance most often issues simple requests to state institutions. The Swedish Ombudsman also has the power to act as a public prosecutor – he or she has the power to bring a case to the courts on behalf of those who submit complaints. However, this has rarely been necessary.<br /><br />Other Ombudsmen have had a more turbulent relationship with the state. In the early 1990s, many Ombudsmen offices were created in Latin America. In many cases, simple requests were not enough to resolve grievances. Faced with indifference and occasionally outright hostility, the Latin American Ombudsmen more often used their “moral power” as public protectors of the people to force change. In Guatemala the Ombudsman denounced prominent politicians, and in Honduras the Ombudsman defended the right of the opposition to run for President. In some cases, the state responded with more hostility. Some Ombudsmen had their budgets slashed, or were simply replaced.<br /><br />The <a href="http://www.kerala.gov.in/grievanceredressal/ombudsman.htm">Kerala Ombudsman</a> represents a particularly Indian approach to the institution. It functions effectively like a court, albeit one where some rules of procedure are simplified. A citizen files a complaint and is given a date for a hearing at one of the Ombudsman's sittings around the state. Once both parties are present at the hearing, they present their cases. The Ombudsman can then resolve the case if there appears to be a solution. Or, if he believes more information is necessary, he may order an investigation. In the case above, he might order the Deputy Director of panchayats to produce a report containing photos and measurements of the offending tree along with copies of the relevant building or pollution codes. At the next available sitting – which might be one month away, or much longer – the report will be presented and the Ombudsman will make a further decision.<br /><br />Many of the complaints submitted to the Ombudsman are more serious than some dead branches in a pond. At the hearings I attended I saw cases regarding access to drinking water, non-payment of wages, construction of public toilets, land encroachment, unlawful construction, false entry in muster rolls for NREGA works, the allocation of houses designated for the poor, pollution from various industries, and the behaviour of commissions under control of a panchayat.<br /><br />Unfortunately the Kerala Ombudsman has not received the support it needs from the state government. Since 2001 the Ombudsman has requested funds for an independent investigative team, and the government has consistently ignored this and other requests. As it stands, the Ombudsman must rely on local officials – usually the Deputy Director of panchayats – for all investigations. Despite the usual apathy, the state government has not been overtly hostile to the Ombudsman. This may be due to one of the Kerala Ombudsman's unique features – it is only given purview over local self government institutions, rather than any government action whatsoever. The state government – which decides the Ombudsman's budget and effectively appoints him – is beyond the reach of the Ombudsman. While this means that corruption, incompetence and indifference at the state level is left untouched, perhaps it does enable the Ombudsman to effectively deal with complaints at the local level. While having an elderly man yell at him about a tree is bearable, it is not clear whether the Ombudsman could withstand such an assault from the Chief Minister.<br /><br /><span style="font-style: italic;">Joshua Stark is an intern with Research Foundation for Governance in India, Ahmedabad. He has been researching grievance redressal mechanisms in India with a special focus on the institution of the Ombudsman. </span>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2564387602487793450.post-26508533078027997132010-06-03T03:18:00.000-07:002010-06-05T22:49:04.833-07:00CWG 2010 here we come...but at what cost?<span style="font-weight: bold;">Mandakini Devasher Surie</span><br /><br />Delhi is a city under siege! Over the last year, a silent army of civil engineers, urban planners, construction workers and contractorss have brought this to a standstill. Signs of the siege are everywhere – on uneven sidewalks and pavements which threaten to send pedestrians sprawling, on roads and flyovers where monstrous potholes threaten to swallow unsuspecting motorists and bring the city to a grinding halt. The mission? Make Delhi ready and able to host the Commonwealth Games (CWG) in October this year.<br /><br />The games have been heavily criticised and not only because preparations for them have thrown everyday life in the city completely off kilter. Concerns have been raised about the ‘game worthiness’ of several venues, the hurried efforts to ‘beautify’ certain sections of the city, the efforts to ‘clear’ the city of slum dwellers, beggars and hawkers which in practice has meant the demolition slums across the city leaving thousands homeless. A recent report by the Housing and Land Rights Network (HLRN) titled “<a href="http://www.hic-sarp.org/documents/Whose%20Wealth_Whose%20Commons.pdf">The 2010 Commonwealth Games: Whose Wealth? Whose Commons?</a>” puts a spotlight on some of these issues. Using the Right to Information Act 2005, HLRN accessed a copy of India’s Bid Document for the CWG games as well as information from different departments on the monies spent so far on the games. Their findings are staggering:<br /><br /><span style="font-weight: bold;">CWG Factoids</span><br /><ul><li> The bidding process from start to finish cost India Rs 137 crore. The Bid Document included an unprecedented offer by India to provide free luxury accommodation, travel and trips to participants, delegates, officials.</li><li>India made a last minute offer of $7.2 million or Rs 32.4 crore to train all Commonwealth Games athletes’ which apparently ensured India’s bid for the games.</li><li>The proposed expenditure on sports infrastructure for the games was pegged at Rs 150 crore in the Bid Document but a whopping sum of Rs 3390 crore has already been spent on building stadiums. That’s a shocking 2160% increase on the initial budget!</li><li>Official and unofficial estimates of the total cost of the games range from Rs 10,000 crore to Rs 30,000 crore;<br /></li></ul>The sheer volume of money being pumped into the CWG is unprecedented. To put things in perspective in this year’s Union Budget allocations for the CWG increased by a jaw dropping 6235% (from Rs 45.5 crore in 2005-06 to Rs 2,883 crore in 2009-10) (HLRN figures). Is this a case of misplaced priorities or are there really substantial gains to be had from hosting the games? In theory, the CWG games are supposed to put Delhi on the world map, bring in foreign investment, tourism and generate jobs, but international experience suggests that this is not always the case.<br /><br />Several studies have shown that the economic benefits of mega-sporting events such as the Olympic Games or World Cup are hugely over-estimated. In a post-games scenario, many countries have struggled to earn back in revenues the huge amounts invested. For instance, American cities hosting the 1994 FIFA World Cup earned $ 4 billion in revenues from hosting the games but they collectively lost between $ 5.5 billion and $ 9.3 billion. Many countries are overwhelmed by debt – after barely pulling off the Olympic Games in 2004, Greece struggled to keep public debt down, the effects of which are being felt now. The costs continue to escalate for years after with countries having to find resources to manage and maintain games venues.<br /><br />There are also questions about who really benefits from such events? South Africa has spent <a href="http://www.csmonitor.com/Money/The-Sports-Economist/2010/0513/South-Africa-spends-3.5-billion-on-World-Cup-preparations.-But-for-what-return">3.5 billion pounds on preparations</a> (1.72% of its GDP) to host the 2010 FIFA World Cup, but there are concerns that most of the facilities will really benefit tourists and the middle class rather than South Africa’s <a href="http://www.irishtimes.com/newspaper/weekend/2010/0515/1224270452401.html">urban poor</a>. Over and above the, investments in infrastructure mean budget cuts for other sectors. The Delhi Government has already announced that it will not have funds to undertake new projects in the forthcoming fiscal year. Moreover, according to the HLRN report funds marked for social sector expenditure have already been reallocated by the Delhi Government for the CWG. Couple this with the city wide drive against hawkers and beggars and it’s no wonder many have termed the CWG ‘anti-poor’ in its approach.<br /><br />It is perhaps keeping of all of these factors in mind, that the <a href="http://www.nzherald.co.nz/commonwealth-games/news/article.cfm?c_id=508&objectid=10632382">Government of New Zealand recently refused to support the country’s bid</a> to host the 2018 Commonwealth Games because at $600 million it was too expensive. If only, such prudence had prevailed in Delhi. Come October, Delhi will play host to athletes’ and tourists from countries across the Commonwealth. In true sarkari style, things will be completed in breakneck speed, we’ll put on a grand old show and maybe we’ll even win a medal or two. But let’s not kid ourselves; we’re in for some tough times ahead – fiscal and otherwise.<br /><br /><span style="font-style: italic;">Mandakini D Surie is a Research Associate with the Accountability Initiative.</span>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com3tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2564387602487793450.post-58793027162071128552010-06-01T02:25:00.000-07:002010-06-02T06:59:40.176-07:00Accountability Global News Scan<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;font-family:arial,sans-serif;font-size:13;" ><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-style: italic;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;">A round up of accountability news and views from around the world.</span></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;"><br /></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0px;"><a href="http://www1.voanews.com/english/news/usa/Obama-Signs-Law-Supporting-Global-Press-Freedom-93967824.html"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;">USA</span></span></a><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;">: Obama Signs Law Supporting Global Press Freedom</span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;">President Obama signed the Daniel Pearl Freedom of the Press Act that will require the US government to draw attention to nations that tolerate or sanction press freedom violations.</span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;"><br /></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0px;"> </p><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0px;"><a href="http://world.globaltimes.cn/americas/2010-05/535791.html"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;">China</span></span></a><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;">: US climate change envoy calls for more transparency</span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;">The US Special Envoy for Climate Change in Beijing called on nations to increase transparency to combat global warming, and raised prospects of China-US cooperation on the matter. China’s special representative said that countries attending the upcoming Cancun summit favour a legally binding climate accord by the end of 2011.</span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;"><br /></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0px;"> </p><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0px;"><a href="http://uk.reuters.com/article/idUKTRE64Q1VU20100527"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;">Thailand</span></span></a><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;">: Thailand extends censorship against anti-govt. protestors</span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;">After violent crackdowns on protestors seeking to topple Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva, the government continues to expand censorship by banning publications, thereby reducing both media and government transparency.</span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;"><br /></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0px;"> </p><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0px;"><a href="http://www.telegraph.co.uk/comment/personal-view/7791091/The-public-has-a-right-to-know-the-truth.html"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;">UK</span></span></a><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;">: The public has a right to know the truth</span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;">Secrecy in government is often a feeble excuse for inefficiency, argues Bruce Anderson in his assessment of the Tories’ commitment to transparency and the need for a more accountable government in the UK.</span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;"><br /></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0px;"> </p><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0px;"><a href="http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/africaandindianocean/7783294/A-new-dawn-in-Africa.html"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;">Africa</span></span></a><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;">: A new dawn in Africa</span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;">Economies are growing, émigrés returning and attitudes towards corruption are beginning to change, bringing hope for a more sustainable future in this transitioning continent.</span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;"><br /></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0px;"> </p><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0px;"><a href="http://www.newslinemagazine.com/2010/05/pakistani-activists-demand-their-right-to-protest-without-fear-of-threats/"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;">Pakistan</span></span></a><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;">: Pakistani Citizens Demand their Right to Speak without “Fear of Threats”</span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;">After a series of government bans on websites such as Facebook and Youtube, free speech and human rights activists in Pakistan issue a statement to stand up for the Pakistani citizenry’s right to access information and peacefully voice their opinion.</span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;"><br /></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0px;"> </p><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0px;"><a href="http://www.brisbanetimes.com.au/queensland/councils-move-to-change-right-to-information-laws-suspicious-20100517-v9aw.html"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;">Australia</span></span></a><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;">: Council’s move to change Right to Information laws “suspicious”</span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size:small;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:georgia;">Recent moves by lawmakers in Brisbane raise suspicions that the cabinet is attempting to subvert Right to Information laws. </span></span></p></span>Rishiv Khattarhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/10691620679323841111noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2564387602487793450.post-32057747052716784872010-05-28T00:26:00.000-07:002010-05-28T00:31:31.334-07:00After the Tsunami: Malaysia’s Transformed Political Landscape in 2004 Continues to Test its Democracy<p style="margin: 0.0px 0.0px 14.0px 0.0px; font: 15.0px Arial"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:'times new roman';">The documentary </span><a href="http://vimeo.com/11732348"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:'times new roman';">Selapas Tsunami (After the Tsunami)</span></a><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family:'times new roman';">, assesses the sweeping political changes brought about by the results of the 12th General Election in Malaysia, and discusses the ramifications these changes have had on government accountability and the building of an inclusive democracy. The film raises powerful arguments for decentralization—the benefits of greater regulation at the local level, the friction between federal power and local control--and highlights the inevitable backlash from an old guard that is uncomfortable with the transparent new model of democracy.</span></p>Rishiv Khattarhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/10691620679323841111noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2564387602487793450.post-70730673747017985482010-05-26T02:34:00.000-07:002010-05-26T02:51:19.987-07:00If Only Khoslaji Had the RTI...........<span style="font-weight: bold;">Abhishek</span><br /><br />One of the most difficult things to get in Delhi is land for your house. Even more difficult is figuring out whether the land is legal or illegal, whether the land deal is genuine or if someone is tricking to trick you and make you a victim of a land fraud scam. Considering all the hassles, you might just choose to buy a flat, more so a flat which is built and allocated through the government, only to find out that there is no water in the taps, an electric current is running freely all over the place and the whole area just across the street is some kind of a hub for household industries and it just wont let you sleep. Even worse is that you open a shop on what you consider perfectly legal land only to discover after a few years that a huge crane is standing in front of your house, ready to tear apart the shop on the ‘now encroached’ land. For all of this and more, there is now a one pill cure for all the ailments in the form of the Right to Information Act.<br /><br />A closer look at the RTI applications submitted to the Delhi Development Authority (DDA) reflects the power of information to bring about a more transparent and accountable system of governance. The RTI also helps citizens to overcome bureaucratic hurdles and the associated corruption which have harassed the ‘common man’ for ages. Many of these applications are inquiries about a piece of land and its use, or a flat which a person is either currently using or plans to acquire in the future. There are some which are concerned with general queries about the maintenance of colonies, parks and the associated area in a particular locality. While these cater to the interests of an individual or a group of citizens, there are others which are relevant to the general public as a whole and question the DDA on planning, implementation and malfunctioning of public works. Besides this, there are also questions on corporate houses, various government departments who seek to benefit from the information gained about any kind of prevailing contract, prospective work or just a suspected case of corruption which negatively affects their interests.<br /><br />The most surprising thing about applications to the DDA is that its pretty evident that a lot of DDA officials are using the RTI to settle intra/inter-departmental issues and raising questions about the general functioning of the DDA. These musings within the DDA often take the shape of settling personal vendettas using RTI. But these cases are an exception, rather than the norm.<br /><br />The role of RTI in raising awareness and generating public opinion can’t be denied. From the welfare of the poor and the homeless to the banning of sale of narcotic substance, citizens have tried to question the government on many important issues. They have tried to direct government’s attention towards forgotten matters and bring out the flaws in our system of governance. The most important flaws, which courtesy RTI, are out in the public is the tremendous gap between existing policies and their implementation. By focusing on it citizens have certainly helped in improving their lives, the lives of the people around them and most importantly the state of governance. With the increasing awareness amongst citizens about the the value of RTI as a tool, one can picture a more accountable, transparent government in the future.<br /><br />Alas, only if the fictitious Khoslas of "Khosla Ka Ghosla" fame had been able to use the RTI, they would not have fallen victim to a land extortion racket.<br /><br /><span style="font-style: italic;">Abhishek is an intern with the Accountability Initiative. He is a graduate from the Tata Institute of Social Sciences, Mumbai. </span>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2564387602487793450.post-50916489522543313572010-05-24T02:31:00.000-07:002010-05-24T02:44:55.331-07:00FAQs on NRHM Fund Flows<strong>By Sruti Bandyopadhyay</strong><br /><br />The National Rural Health Mission (NRHM) aims at strengthening the financial management structure and accounting systems so as to conform to best practices and meet accounting and auditing standards, at all levels. However, on several fronts, achievements have fallen short.<br /><br /><strong>1. At what level can one identify the variations in reported figures?<br /><br /></strong>Answer: The Comptroller and Auditor General (CAG) report observed that at times, variations were noticed between the funds releases by GOI and those received by State Health Society (SHS).<br />a) For FY 2007-08, the figures released to SHS, Andhra Pradesh (reported by GOI) was Rs. 597.83 crore. However the SHC reported to have received only Rs. 556.96 crore.<br />b) Even there is a gap between the funds released by SHS to District Health Society (DHC) and funds received by DHS. For FY 2008-09, Kurnool district in Andhra Pradesh had reportedly received only Rs. 951.75lakhs, however as per the SHC’s record, they have released Rs.1131.13 lakhs.<br /><br /><strong>2. How regular is the fund flow from SHC to DHC?</strong><br /><br /><strong>Answer:</strong> Considerable fund remains with ICICI bank (banking partner in 13 states), both at State and District levels, till such time they were actually utilised. In Kerala, the monthly balance in the ICICI bank account of the SHS ranged between Rs. 17.52 crore to Rs. 86.12 crore during 2007-08. Average monthly balance worked out to Rs. 49.52 crore.<br /><br /><strong>3. Does this unspent amount earn interest?</strong><br /><br /><strong>Answer:</strong> As per the NRHM framework, funds were to be kept in interest bearing bank accounts. However, in two States, unspent funds were not kept in interest bearing accounts.<br />a) In Assam, DHS Lakhimpur kept Rs.1.20 crore in current account<br />b) Similarly, in Bihar, SHS deposited Rs. 106.76 crore in March 2007 in non-interest bearing account<br />c) DHS, Bhojpur kept the NRHM funds in a current account and sustained an interest loss of Rs 37.42 lakh as of June 2008.<br /><br /><strong>4. Has the money always get spent on prescribed line items?</strong><br /><br /><strong>Answer:</strong> As per rules, funds were required to be spent for the purpose for which they were intended. But that is not always the case.<br />For instance, for FY 2008-09, in Karnakta, Rs. 0.36 crores of NRHM fund was spent on purchase of<br />i) four wheelers under Kysanur Forest Disease Control Programme, ii) control of Handigodu disease, iii) and even on Mysore Dasara Exhibition.<br /><br /><strong>5. What is the experience so far with the state wise audited reports?</strong><br /><br /><strong>Answer:</strong> Cases of discrepancy between opening balance of SHSs and DHSs, difference between cash balance depicted in accounts and bank pass book, inconsistency between opening balance of the current year and closing balance of the previous year etc. were observed.<br />In Bihar, four different opening balances as on 1 April 2005 were noticed in four different sets of documents of SHS detailed below:<br />Opening balance Amount (Rs. in crore) as on 01-04-2005<br />As per SOE--------- ---------------------47.66<br />As per annual account of 2005-06 ----45.12<br />As per financial statement -------------52.67<br />As per Bank account -------------------43.78<br /><br /><strong>6. So, after spending this huge sum of money every year, does all PHC/SC/CHS have atleast electricity facility?</strong><br /><br /><strong>Answer:</strong> No. For example, as per latest figures available, by the end of FY 2008-09,<br />A) In Bihar 72 SC and 30 PHC do not have electricity connection<br />B) In Arunachal Pradesh 37 SC and 5 PHC do not have electricity connection<br /><br /><strong>7. Now that we know the problem, what is the solution?</strong><br /><br /><strong>Answer: </strong>There should be clear guideline for the nodal personnel to integrate data under various NRHM components at the DHC and SHS level.<br />a) Unique identification number for institutions (UIID), in line with UID, might make the fund flow tracking process easier to operate and monitor. It would provide the authorities a tool to make timely interventions.<br />b) We should also have a country wide unique accounting and reporting framework. The format should be user friendly and should not vary from state to state. As part of this new format the district level accountant should have the capability to consolidate realtime data presented in Rogi Kalyan Samiti’s (RSK) meetings.<br /><br /><em>Sruti Bandyopadhyay is a Research Associate with the Accountability Initiative</em>Sruti Bandyopadhyayhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/05916760630389819818noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2564387602487793450.post-2691928714932447022010-05-20T01:53:00.000-07:002010-05-20T02:31:47.117-07:00UPA First-Year Performance Review: Mixed Results, Promising Future?As the UPA-II completes its first year, there have been a series of articles in the media assessing its performance on various fronts. Livemint has published a review of the UPA’s reform agena, <a href="http://epaper.livemint.com/ArticleImage.aspx?article=19_05_2010_008_001&mode=1" target="_blank">Good Moves, Bad Press</a>, and posted a <a href="http://dl.dropbox.com/u/1738449/UPA%20POLICY.mp3" target="_blank">podcast discussion</a> with AI’s Yamini Aiyar on the UPA’s successes and failures. <a href="http://dl.dropbox.com/u/1962232/slideshows/POLICYUPApublish_to_web/index.html" target="_blank">Click here</a> to see a slideshow summarizing the major UPA policies. The economy appears to have rebounded well after the global financial meltdown, but <a href="http://www.livemint.com/2010/05/17210711/Government-seems-stalled-it-i.html" target="_blank">according to Rajya Sabha member N.K. Singh</a>, the government is stalling on the economic front and needs fresh initiatives and resolve. <a href="http://blip.tv/file/get/Livemintpodcasts-EconomicReviewOfTheUPAsFirstYearInPower471.mp3" target="_blank">Listen</a> to chief statistician of India Pronab Sen speak on the present state of the Indian economy under the UPA and what predictions can be drawn for the future, and view a <a href="http://www.livemint.com/94B8802B-E2E3-49C1-BF79-0FBF010AA855ArtVPF.gif" target="_blank">graphic summary</a> on the ups and downs of the economy over the year.<br /><br /> The UPA intended to focus on infrastructure development as a core interest over the past year, <a href="http://www.livemint.com/2010/05/19222953/Infrastructure-the-good-the.html?h=B" target="_blank">however its achievements on various infrastructure fronts have been mixed</a>. Gokul Chaudhry, a partner at BMR advisors, provides perspective on the UPA’s challenges and successes in developing infrastructure in this <a href="http://blip.tv/file/get/Livemintpodcasts-ReportCardTheUPAOnInfrastrucure165.mp3" target="_blank">audio discussion</a>.<br /><br />Finally, the Economic Times’ Debate Section includes a series on the UPA’s performance with perspectives from the CPI, the UPA, and the Opposition. <a href="http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/ET-Debate/articleshow/5951050.cms" target="_blank">Brinda Karat</a> comments on how the diminished presence of the Left this year has led to a more opportunistic government, less focused on policies for the masses and more interested in its own agendas and the desires of powerful special interest groups. <a href="http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/Opinion/ET-Debate/How-has-UPA-II-fared-in-the-first-year/articleshow/5951050.cms?curpg=2" target="_blank">Salman Khurshid</a> points toward the transformations in rural India, and the reforms made in education, law, and in areas concerning equality and minority empowerment as powerful indicators of the UPA’s success, and optimistically highlights the potential success of policies on the horizon. <a href="http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/Opinion/ET-Debate/How-has-UPA-II-fared-in-the-first-year/articleshow/5951050.cms?curpg=3" target="_blank">Arun Jaitley</a> however, highlights the PM’s lack of control and what he views as a tendency of the government to favour the corrupt.Rishiv Khattarhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/10691620679323841111noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2564387602487793450.post-91196829768299477032010-05-19T22:08:00.000-07:002010-05-19T22:56:56.314-07:00Mid Day Meal Scheme - Centralisation is no panacea<span style="font-weight: bold;">Gayatri Sahgal</span><br /><br />The National programme for Nutritional Support for Primary Education commonly referred to as the Mid Meal Scheme (MDM’s) is aimed at providing supplementary nutrition to primary school children with the overall objective of enhancing enrollment, retention and participation of children while simultaneously improving their nutritional status. Under the scheme every child in every government school and government assisted primary school is provided with a prepared mid day meal with a minimum calorie content of 450 calories and 12 grams of protein on a daily basis for a minimum of 200 days.<br /><br />A far cry from providing such benefits, the functioning of MDM’s in Delhi has most recently been found to impede rather than improve the nutritional status of children in government schools. Last week 29 children studying in a government girls middle school in Hauz Qazi near Ajmeri Gate, fell ill after consuming ‘choley puri’ served as part of the mid day meal. While a case was registered with the police, school and government authorities responded by dismissing claims of illness pointing out that they were psychological in nature. According to the State Education Minister, Arivnder Singh Lovely, ‘somebody had spread a rumour that there was an insect in the food due to which students started feeling sick’. This incident comes in the wake of a similar case in the November 2009 when 125 children from a government school in Trilokpari fell ill after consuming the mid day meal. Following large scale protest by parents and opposition parties the Delhi government responded by suspending the MDM scheme for two days to review it’s functioning. Additionally the license of the society responsible for providing such food was also cancelled and samples of the contaminated food were taken for examination.<br /><br />Ironically such instances have emerged despite the move by the Department of Education (the nodal agency responsible for the implementation of the MDM scheme) to outsource the responsibility of supplying MDM’s to a number of NGO’s/Societies. Unlike states which follow a decentralized model wherein food is prepared within the school premises by a cook or a helper, the Department of Education has opted for a centralized model where an external agency prepares and supplies meals to schools. The rationale behind the adoption of this model was the belief that food prepared in a centralized kitchen would ensure the provision of hygienic and nutritious food as well as allow for the optimum utilization of infrastructural facilities. It was felt that only a centralized model allowed for mechanized food preparation which was touted as being efficient as it would simultaneously lower labour costs and by limiting the chances of human contact, also serve to lower the occurrence of food contamination. Moreover the reduced financial responsibility of the DOE within such a model was also an important motivation for its adoption. Today there are 11 NGO’s/Societies who operate a total of 13 kitchens and supply food to 1.1 lack children who are covered under the scheme.<br /><br />Currently the MDM scheme is monitored by a range of bodies, the foremost being the School Mid-day Meal Committees (SMDMC). The (SMDMC) is constituted at the school level and comprises of the Head of School, Teacher in charge of the MDM, Home Science teacher, at least 3 mothers of children from different classes, the DDO of the school and one Vidyalaya Kalyan Samiti (VKS) member. These committees are empowered with the responsibility of receiving and monitoring the MDM’s on a daily basis. At the department level, a Zonal Level Steering Cum Monitoring Committee, comprising of the Education Officer of the zone, two principals, two parents and one VKS member is expected to draw up a month-wise programme of monitoring the distribution of the MDM and inform the DDEs (District Deputy Directors of Education) about the same. Education Officers (EO’s) are also expected to be present as far as possible in schools falling within their respective zones at the time of distribution of the MDM. The monitoring of the working of the SDMC’s and the Zonal level steering committee is the responsibility of the DDE’s. Complaints from parents, schools or service providers are examined and resolved by the DDEs. In addition MDM guidelines also allow for appointment of independent agencies to monitor and evaluate the agencies.<br /><br />In spite of the formulation of such a robust monitoring structure, its implementation has been found to be far from adequate. According to a recent study conducted by the Supreme Court Commissioners Office regarding the functioning of the MDM’s in the city, the participation of beneficiaries particularly parents and children in monitoring bodies such as the SDMC has been found to be minimal. In many instances testing of food is only done once the food is delivered to the schools. Teachers often do not visit the kitchens to test the quality of food provided. Furthermore EO’s also rarely visit schools to oversee the distribution of MDM’s. In 2008 out of the 136.86 lakhs which were allocated towards Management and Monitoring Expenditure, the total expenditure under this head was only 1.40 lakhs (1%) with expenditure on school monitoring committees accounting for 0%. Moreover within the 1.40 lakhs which were spent, management expenses accounted for a bulk of the share. External monitoring and evaluation expenditure during that year was also reported as being nil.<br /><br />Thus problems of food contamination and lack of quality hardly seem surprising in light of such ineffective systems of monitoring. The Department of Education’s eagerness in outsourcing the supply of food grains was not matched with an emphasis on strengthening the monitoring and accountability provisions. The centralized model was heralded as a panacea without due cognizance of the fact that unlike a decentralized model where the suppliers and the beneficiaries come in direct contact, the new model served to increase the distance between the suppliers and the ultimate beneficiaries making it more difficult for the beneficiaries to monitor the supply of services.<br /><br /><span style="font-style: italic;">Gayatri Sahgal is a Research Associate with the Accountability Initiative.</span>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2564387602487793450.post-74760175452098446902010-05-19T03:21:00.000-07:002010-05-19T03:43:52.550-07:00Livemint series: MGNREGA Implementation in 5 StatesThe Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme is considered one of the largest social safety nets of its kind, spending under which has totaled almost Rs. 80,000 crore in the past four years. Livemint has recently published an extensive series on MGNREGA, assessing its implementation in various regions. The record and status is patchy but hopeful, and continued government commitment to the program appears crucial for its success.<br /><br />Uttar Pradesh: Bundelkhand is one of the least developed regions in India, making it an ideal environment to test the effectiveness of MGNREGA. The scheme has had few successes here and the defining narrative here is one of corruption and ignorance. To read the Livemint article, <a href="http://www.livemint.com/2010/05/03234859/MGNREGA-status-report--Politi.html">click here</a>.<br /><br />Chhattisgarh: With social progress and development widely considered effective barriers to the lure of Maoism, the success of MGNREGA in this region could prove especially significant. While initial results are hopeful, the state is still developing infrastructure to help MGNREGA projects take off. To read the Livemint article, <a href="http://www.livemint.com/2010/05/04211040/MGNREGA-status-report--In-the.html">click here</a>.<br /><br />Rajasthan: The MGNREGA appears to have altered both economic and social dynamics in the region. Almost two-thirds of the people employed under the scheme in this state are women, and their rising socio-economic independence is contributing significantly to their empowerment. To the read the Livemint article, <a href="http://www.livemint.com/2010/05/06080957/MGNREGA-status-report--Workin.html">click here</a>.<br /><br />Andhra Pradesh: The state is amongst the top-performers under the MGNREGA. Unlike most other states, officials in Andhra Pradesh have adopted an entirely different delivery model which bypasses the panchayats. The scheme has garnered impressive performance metrics with its unique delivery model which has remained successful. To read the Livemint article, <a href="http://www.livemint.com/2010/05/06220355/MGNREGA-status-report--New-mo.html">click here</a>.<br /><br />Orissa: The lack of significant change brought about by the MGNREGA scheme in the severely poor, drought-afflicted region of Kalahandi highlights that it has not been able to avoid the usual trappings that hinder the effectiveness of social development programs. Primarily due to low awareness, the scheme has failed in its promise to provide a reliable safety net for the poor. To read the Livemint article, <a href="http://www.livemint.com/2010/05/07222517/MGNREGA-status-report--Social.html">click here</a>.Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2564387602487793450.post-25818701989998314432010-05-17T03:18:00.000-07:002010-05-17T03:35:55.789-07:00NREGA wage payments through banks: Taking Stock<span style="font-weight: bold;">Anindita Adhikari</span><br /><br />In May 2008, the Government declared that wage payments, under the National Rural Employment Guarantee Act, the world’s largest rural public works programme, would be made through banks. According to a recent announcement, under the new system of financial inclusion 8.60 NREGA workers accounts have been opened and about 82% of wages i.e. close to 17,000 crores have been disbursed through these accounts up to December 2009 - accounting for 70% of the expenditure under the programme. Although this new system has been hailed as a foolproof, cost-effective solution to reduce leakages and to promote greater transparency, the transition was rushed and several complications with the new system are now becoming apparent.<br /><br /><span style="font-weight: bold;">Delays in wage disbursement:</span> The issue of delays in wage payments is one of the most serious problems with the system of bank payments. Reports from several states including Jharkhand, West Bengal, Chhattisgarh, Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh and West Bengal indicate the problem of delayed payments and dwindling interest in employment under the NREGA is rampant across several states.<br /><br />It is a well established argument that the coverage of banks and post offices in rural India is patchy and as a consequence workers especially in remote parts of the country find it difficult to travel long distances to collect their wages causing delays in payments. Interestingly though findings from a survey in UP and Jharkhand indicate that close to 90% of workers who lived more than 5 km from a bank/post office expressed a preference for bank payments over cash despite the distance, indicating the deeper problems lie elsewhere. An important cause of the severe delays in the disbursement of wages is the institutional incapacity of rural banks to handle the huge volume of accounts. The shortage of staff and technology is most acute in post offices where accounts are managed manually through log journals.<br /><br />However, the cause of delayed payments is more complicated than this. There are several bottlenecks associated with the different steps in the wage payment process: Filling the muster roll, measuring work and matching with attendance, preparing payment orders, sanctioning of cheques by officials and finally crediting of wages in workers accounts by the bank. Centre-state financial norms are not always clear and often mired in politics causing significant delays in the flow of funds from the central to state governments. A detailed discussion on these delays at different levels can be found in a recently published article by Reetika Khera called ‘<a href="http://www.hinduonnet.com/fline/stories/20100521271010500.htm">Wages of Delay</a>’.<br /><br />Although such delays legally entitle workers to unemployment benefit, compensation has rarely been paid which is a clear violation of the Act. The government has acknowledged this gap and has sought to rectify it by directing state governments to ensure that the ‘twin legal mandates’ of wage payment within 15 days and through institutional accounts are ‘scrupulously adhered to’. A host of directives follow such as holding of a monthly Gram Rozgar Diwas at the panchayat level in which issues of payment backlogs will be cleared, strict monitoring of timely payment of wages by the District Programme Coordinator etc.<br /><br />The ‘Business Correspondent Model’ which is currently being rolled out by the government is an attempt to address this problem of delayed payments and ensure that the rural poor have timely access to financial services. How this works is that the business correspondent (BC) would, on behalf of the banks, for a commission, deliver financial services to ‘clients’ though appropriate technology like handheld computer devices. However, given that the problem of delays is more complex than a simple issue of institutional access, the solutions might lie beyond the scope of this administrative ‘innovation’.<br /><br /><span style="font-weight: bold;">Corruption:</span> While the move of separating the implementation and payment agencies has countered the earlier forms of corruption such as siphoning of funds, some forms of embezzlement have persisted and some new forms have emerged. The first is through ‘deception’ where often the abhikarta (implementing agency) in collusion with the bank officials withdraws money from the accounts of workers without their knowledge. The second is through ‘exploitation’ where genuine workers withdraw their wages themselves but are forced to hand over part of their money to the contractor or sarpanch based on a pre-decided ‘deal’. The third method is where workers ‘collude’ with the implementing agency and fake names are entered in the muster roll on the basis of which wages are withdrawn.<br /><br />While the first type of embezzlement can be effectively dealt with through strict enforcement of certain minimum safeguards such as ensuring money is only withdrawn by the account holder. The other two types of embezzlement are perhaps more difficult to counter because they are borne out of an essentially feudal, exploitative set up in which rural banks function.<br /><br />Taking strict action against such corruption, the government has restated that unfair practices in the system of wage payments will be punishable under section 25 of the Act. However the record for invoking this clause has been quite abysmal. While enforcing this penalty clause which allows for a fine up to 1000 will ensure accountability to some extent, there is a pressing need to restore transparency safeguards already built into the act. Public scrutiny of wages through reading out muster rolls and regular updating of job cards needs to be reinstated. This is a powerful practice because it enables workers to verify their attendance and monitor wage payments themselves, thereby curbing corruption.<br /><br />The switch to bank payments has without a doubt provided substantial protection against embezzlement and is a critical step towards ensuring greater accountability in the disbursement of wages under the NREGA. However, the issue of delays in wage payment needs to be tackled swiftly by both streamlining processes and mechanisms under the system of bank payments as well as reinforcing traditional safeguards.<br /><br /><span style="font-style: italic;">Anindita Adhikari is a Research Associate with the ASER Centre.</span>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2564387602487793450.post-31663394885167119502010-05-07T04:22:00.000-07:002010-05-07T04:31:52.483-07:00SC Upholds the MPLADs Scheme: A Questionable Judgement?<span style="font-weight: bold;">Yamini Aiyar</span><br /><br />On Thursday, the Supreme Court Bench passed an<a href="http://www.thehindu.com/2010/05/07/stories/2010050762421400.htm"> order</a> upholding the disastrous MPLAD Scheme – claiming it was meant for public purpose. The MPLAD is a disaster not because, as newspapers often report, of the extent of corruption in MPLAD expenditures and the extent to which these schemes are used to dispense patronage – these are problems faced by most public sector programs. It’s a disaster because it encourages MP’s to overstep their domain, performing a function that is not officially their and weakening the constitutional separation of roles and responsibilities across jurisdictions. All this has serious consequences on strengthening accountability. Let’s consider the arguments.<br /><br />The first issue is that MPLADs assigns executive functions to legislators and thereby confuses the separation of powers – after all should MP’s be administering funds and determining their specific resource allocation? This creates a conflict of interest between the legislator and the executive and seriously compromises the oversight function that legislators ought to play. The Second Administrative Reforms Commission used this critique to recommend that the scheme be abolished.<br /><br />Another argument, made by the 2002 National Commission to Review the Working of the Constitution (NCRWC), is that the MPLADS scheme violates the distribution of powers between the union, states and local governments as defined in the constitution. Therefore, it is inconsistent with the spirit of federalism. The NCRWC report points out that all the activities on which MP’s can spend their funds are already on state lists. Furthermore, the 73rd and 74th Constitutional amendments mandated that many of these become activities to be undertaken by Panchayats and Municipal governments. Thus the scheme seriously undermines local bodies by creating incentives for MPs to provide basic civic services such as roads, bridges and street-lights that are constitutionally the responsibility of local governments.<br /><br />In the present system, individual MPs decide how to spend the money and funds are disbursed through the district administration. Local bodies are neither consulted nor involved in the details of execution despite the fact that articles 243G and 243W of the constitution entrust local bodies with the powers to prepare and implement plans for economic development and social justice. In recognition of this problem, the National Advisory Council in a report to the government in 2005, recommended that the scheme guidelines be changed to require that the funds be spent through local bodies. These criticisms point to two much deeper, unresolved questions confronting our democracy. First, what is the role of the MP, the MLA and the local body representative? Second, what do we, as voters, hold them accountable for?<br /><br />From an MP’s perspective, the MPLAD scheme is important because it allows them to tangibly and quickly respond to their constituents’ needs. At election time, these achievements can be drawn upon to highlight the MP’s performance. After all, what happens in Parliament is so far removed from the typical voter, that this becomes an easy way for an MP to demonstrate five years of work. Nevertheless, this presents a dilemma. Since the constitution already demands that these functions be performed by local governments, not the MP, who should be held accountable by the voter? This dilemma has significantly obfuscated accountabilities and confused voter expectation.<br /><br />However, the bigger question we need to ask is: should this be the role of the MP? India decentralized because it recognized that local governments are best suited to assess local needs and are better placed to respond to them than State or Center. Local governments were created and entrusted with this responsibility by virtue of their ‘localness’ - an MP typically represents 10-15 lakh voters, while a Gram Panchayat represents on average 3000 voters - and because they can be held directly accountable for fulfilling these needs. Ironically, Panchayats and Municipalities are starved for funds to perform their constitutionally assigned roles, while MPs, thanks to the MPL LADS enjoy the privilege of an uninterrupted yearly flow of funds to do the job of Panchayats and Municipalities. Given that local bodies are better placed to deliver civic services then it may be wiser to devolve funds directly to them rather than to the MPs.<br /><br />This is not to suggest that the MP is not responsible or accountable for the development of his or her constituency. Rather, it suggests that the MP should do what he or she is best equipped to do. Instead of directly spending money on civic services an MP ought to be lobbying for funds from the central government to reach local bodies and pushing for appropriate policy decisions. To ensure that services reach their constituents, the MP should monitor the functioning of the local bodies and leave them to do what they are best equipped to do: provide the civic services demanded by their constituents.<br /><br />The MPLAD scheme has been dogged by controversy since its inception. By putting its weight behind the scheme, the Supreme Court has simply given legitimacy to a scheme that is fundamentally unconstitutional and this is a real blow to democracy.<br /><br /><span style="font-style: italic;">Yamini Aiyar is the Director, Accountability Initiative.</span>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com2tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2564387602487793450.post-24545324320496426782010-05-05T23:21:00.000-07:002010-05-05T23:31:53.411-07:00Yes, how many deaths will it take till we know...…that too many children have died?<br /><br /><span style="font-weight: bold;">Maitreyi Bordia Das</span><br /><br />I adapt this from Dylan’s famous 1962 lyrics, but it is nowhere more true than for Adivasis or tribal peoples (called Scheduled Tribes) in India.<br /><br />Come monsoon, the Indian media is rife with stories of child deaths in tribal areas, frequently reported as “malnutrition deaths”. Kalahandi district in Orissa for instance, had been a metaphor for starvation due to press reports dating back to the 1980s. Melghat area in Maharashtra has similarly surfaced in the press especially during the monsoon when migrant Adivasis return to their villages and to empty food stocks in the home. This is followed by public outrage, sometimes by public interest litigation and often a haggling over numbers.<br /><br />We recently published a working paper that looks at child mortality among India’s adivasis – the starkest manifestation of their deprivation. We find that an average Indian child has a 25 percent lower likelihood of dying under the age of five compared to an adivasi child. In rural areas, where the majority of adivasi children live, they made up about 11 percent of all births but 23 percent of all deaths in the five years preceding the National Family Heath Survey 2005. While there has been progress in child survival over the years, and much greater vigilance, which often leads to these stories surfacing in the media at all, the fact remains that children in tribal areas are at much greater risk of dying than those in other areas.<br /><br /><a onblur="try {parent.deselectBloggerImageGracefully();} catch(e) {}" href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEglhpwIjrAs7_kAIYC1NnKXH-eH1uBUv9yHqq_EJWJe6OFQRJliGAdOKEYMTYnoI_Kcg57iUJ4S2R0JeVvHERlT5AJFMluIKzyYbu9GBZcG0GZ_OPrRTMS1OIAQee800NDCIPw5I5ixDpw/s1600/Adivasi.jpg"><img style="display: block; margin: 0px auto 10px; text-align: center; cursor: pointer; width: 400px; height: 183px;" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEglhpwIjrAs7_kAIYC1NnKXH-eH1uBUv9yHqq_EJWJe6OFQRJliGAdOKEYMTYnoI_Kcg57iUJ4S2R0JeVvHERlT5AJFMluIKzyYbu9GBZcG0GZ_OPrRTMS1OIAQee800NDCIPw5I5ixDpw/s400/Adivasi.jpg" alt="" id="BLOGGER_PHOTO_ID_5468040284317457858" border="0" /></a><br />Our analysis based on national data from the National Family and Health Survey 2005 has three findings. First, a disproportionately high number of child deaths are concentrated among adivasis, especially in the 1-5 age group and in those states and districts where there is a high concentration of adivasis. Any effort to reduce child morality in the aggregate will have to focus more squarely on lowering mortality among the adivasis. Second, the gap in mortality between adivasi children and the rest really appears after the age of one. In fact, before the age of one, tribal children face more or less similar odds of dying as other children. But these odds significantly reverse later. This calls for a shift in attention from infant mortality or in general under-five mortality to factors that cause a wedge between tribal children and the rest between the ages of one and five. Third, the analysis goes contrary to the conventional narrative of poverty being the primary factor driving differences between mortality outcomes.<br /><br />There are many small and very important initiatives that have lowered child mortality among adivasis, but how do you scale them up?<br /><br />India is not alone in having such poor outcomes for its adivasis – called “indigenous peoples” in the global context. A recent global report on indigenous peoples edited by Gillette Hall and Harry Patrinos was released yesterday in New York at the UN Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues. And it shows remarkable congruence in the processes and outcomes that exclude indigenous peoples the world over.<br /><br />Very soon, a new report on social exclusion in India that we have been working on will be ready for review – and it also addresses adivasi deprivation using national data. We look at poverty rates and the fact that adivasis in 2004 were where the average Indian was twenty years ago. I will keep you posted through this blog.<br /><br /><span style="font-style: italic;">Maitreyi Bordia Das is Senior Social Protection Specialist in the South Asia Human Development Department at the World Bank in Washington DC. This piece was cross posted from <a href="https://blogs.worldbank.org/endpovertyinsouthasia/yes-how-many-deaths-will-it-take-till-we-know%E2%80%A6">Maitreyi's Blog</a>. Log on to read more of her posts.</span>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2564387602487793450.post-89036466045195623212010-05-03T21:40:00.000-07:002010-05-03T21:44:13.959-07:00World Press Freedom Day - Special focus on Right to KnowToday (May 3rd) is World Press Freedom day. Ever since it’s proclamation by the UN in 1993, the World Press Freedom Day has aimed at raising awareness about media freedom issues and to promote the right of journalists to collect and disseminate information without risk to life or liberty. The theme for this year's World Press Day is the "Right to Know" or “Freedom of Information". Today more than 80 countries around the world have introduced laws that guarantee citizens the right to access information held by public authorities. The Right to know has been recognized as an essential part of the right to freedom of expression under Article 19 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.<br /><br />In the World Press Freedom Day Conference organised by UNESCO, Governments have been called on to enact laws guaranteeing the right to information. Participants of World Press Freedom Day on Monday adopted the Brisbane Declaration. The declaration calls on UNESCO member states "to enact legislation guaranteeing the right to information in accordance with the internationally-recognized principle of maximum disclosure".It also demands that media companies to raise awareness of freedom of expression and the right to information, and for UNESCO to aid the development and implementation of new laws. (<a href="http://www.wpfd2010.org/news/17-news/124-conference-adopts-brisbane-declaration">Read more...</a>)<br /><br />In addition, Access Info Europe and Transparency International, together with members of the Freedom of Information Advocates Network and the UNCAC Coalition, are marking World Press Freedom Day by submitting requests for information in 30 countries around the globe under the Tell Us What You've Done Initiative. (<a href="http://www.transparency.org/news_room/latest_news/press_releases/2010/2010_05_03_world_press_freedom">Read More.....</a>)Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2564387602487793450.post-23614235710530324322010-05-03T01:30:00.000-07:002010-05-03T21:40:33.796-07:00Community-Funded Participatory Journalism: New era of Grievance Redresser<strong>By Sruti Bandyopadhyay</strong><br /><br />The Indian government is spending crores of rupees on welfare schemes. However that is news to Sharan, whose house is half built as the money from <em>Indira Vikas Yojna </em>was inadequate to even complete the roof. Sharan lives in a village just 10 km away from Purnia town. While symbols of modernity like mobile phone have made inroads, welfare lags. Sharan said officials asked for a 200 rupee bribe for a job card under NREGA -a charge echoed across several villagers.<br /><br />“Does the government know that we are willing to work under NREGA and still not getting any job? Where should we go and complain then?” Sharan asked. Who can possibly give Sharan his answers?<br /><br />The concept of community co-funded participatory journalism aims to put consumers of news in touch with journalists and publishers – allowing the consumers to request news about topics of interest. If you have 50 people, you can all hire a journalist from the nearest block office to investigate the problems in the fund flow management under various social sector schemes. This report would enable the villagers to identify the right person in the long chain of officials and demand accountability from him.<br /><br /><br /><br /><img style="text-align: center; margin: 0px auto 10px; width: 320px; display: block; height: 202px;" id="BLOGGER_PHOTO_ID_5466960600154469170" alt="" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg0pPcnSwUid22bxr3phatVRloeg-rsGnLZ-ycws2eLNVlov2WEDFXoYUX_u_C8r_yc3SHFpZovgDmtnWK9KcpowWTn3EH1jBgIvz59HfV_8u40s9HVwyC4YXRPcbSB7DQBD62-0_jndXH9/s320/Untitled+2.png" border="0" /><br /><br />Now the obvious question how it is different from other existing tools and how do I envision it as a tool that can improve service delivery mechanism? In this model, there is a direct connection between the consumer and the producer. People are asking for reliable information from an individual, not organizations. In this set up, end users would decide what stories need to be told. Journalist can investigate about the origins of the problem and how the concerned authority could possibly remediate it. There would be media centres in each block, and would be run by local graduates. Reporters are selected from district based panel and posted in a particular district office. They need to be present at the block office on few given dates and time, to register request from the villagers. The cost of this time bound investigation would be shared by the government and by the fund raised (tax empted) from the common people. All the donation would go to the selected scheme/topic and place the donor want it to go. There would be guidelines specifying the standards of remuneration. It would be based on competitive rates throughout the country for freelancers. If a news organization wants to buy exclusive rights to the story - then they can do so by paying the government.<br /><br />Government would only fully sponsor two stories per month for each block. Beyond these two stories, if the money doesn’t materialize, the idea goes unreported. Local people can report if their information needs are met at the end of the investigation. No one person can donate more than 20% of the total cost, and the report needs to be peer reviewed to avoid unethical practices. The government can put 5% of the annual social sector allocation for this project. For 2010-11, the amount comes out to be Rs 14, 741 crores of rupees.<br /><br />Copies of report would reach the DM, MP, MLA and BDO or the councillor (depending on rural or urban set up). Pictorial representations need to be created for the illiterate consumers (who requested for the news). There would be designated media partners to publish or broadcast the stories on local news channel.<br /><br />To equip thousands of illiterate citizens with the tools for demanding accountability from the public service provider is not an easy task. We certainly need to experiment. Some of them might not work. But we need to launch a lot of boats.<br /><br /><em>Sruti Bandyopadhyay is a Researcher with the Accountability Initiative</em>Sruti Bandyopadhyayhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/05916760630389819818noreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2564387602487793450.post-82163067577209481062010-04-28T22:23:00.000-07:002010-04-28T22:30:39.788-07:00So Where's the Debate?The Budget Session of Parliament has been on from February 22nd and will continue till May 7th , but with a little over a week left of the session, it begs the question – where has been the debate? Rather – what has Parliament been debating ? <br /><br />Nearly every day these last few weeks, we hear about adjournments to Parliament due to disruptions by the opposition – from IPLgate to MP’s demanding suspension of Question Hour over the phone tapping issue. But while Parliament has been busy creating a ruckus over Shashi Tharoor, IPL, and the phone tapping scandal – some of the bigger questions affecting millions of people have remained unasked. Have we forgotten what the main functions of Parliament are?<br /><br />In a recent <a href="http://www.indianexpress.com/news/legislate-not-investigate/611266/">article</a>, MR Madhavan of PRS legislative research had pointed out that "Parliament’s main functions are legislative, oversight-related and representative; its mandate does not primarily include investigative work”. Parliament is an important forum where critical public debate can incur and elected representatives get an opportunity to ask the hard questions on behalf of the people they are accountable to and in turn get asked questions for which they in turn are accountable.<br /><br />Yet a look at last year’s Budget Session gives a clear idea of the lack of adequate debate on the social sector - issues that affect millions of Indians on a day to day basis. Of the nearly 5400 questions asked during the session last year, only 5 percent of them were asked to the Ministry of Health and Family Welfare, 4 percent to the Ministry of Human Resource Development and a meager 2 percent to the Ministry of Rural Development. This is despite the fact that the government spent Rs 3,98,828 crores in 2008-09 on the social sector according to the revised estimates by the Economic Survey.<br /><br /><a onblur="try {parent.deselectBloggerImageGracefully();} catch(e) {}" href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg61ZrUMd29_CbxGHSjjX_tOvkkNfR97j9MfgZLl7VkNcCeY8xguRMVOFruqTE34uHWcAxqjAG0jeiweEQPn1kG9Hi7KHXgvGCknBJNyXEYC9kniun49OfYr8Jk6H1BA_b8mViLsrbGPlNY/s1600/BLOG-+Parliament.JPG"><img style="display:block; margin:0px auto 10px; text-align:center;cursor:pointer; cursor:hand;width: 320px; height: 205px;" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg61ZrUMd29_CbxGHSjjX_tOvkkNfR97j9MfgZLl7VkNcCeY8xguRMVOFruqTE34uHWcAxqjAG0jeiweEQPn1kG9Hi7KHXgvGCknBJNyXEYC9kniun49OfYr8Jk6H1BA_b8mViLsrbGPlNY/s320/BLOG-+Parliament.JPG" border="0" alt=""id="BLOGGER_PHOTO_ID_5465426960084349986" /></a><br /><br />Even in terms of the type of questions asked some of the big issues remain unaddressed. <br /><br />For example, while elementary education constitutes over 50 percent of total allocations for education, most of the questions last year pertained to higher and university education. Moreover, questions continue to be concentrated on access and coverage issues – enrolments, construction of new building etc, with quality education receiving a lesser priority. This is despite the fact that the ASER report released earlier this year had found that while 96% of children in rural India in the age group of 6-14 years are now enrolled in school, the quality of education is still quite poor. However, in the entire budget session last year, there were only 15 instances where questions related to teachers were asked – with 8 of those relating to recruitment and only 3 relating to quality including teacher trainings.<br /><br />Similarly, while rural development particularly NREGA ( now MGNREGA) has been receiving a huge push in terms of money allocations – it received Rs. 36,750 crores in 2008-09 – up from Rs. 14,220 in 2007-08 – there were only 39 instances of questions relating to it. <br /><br />In the backdrop of rising food prices and huge problems in effective targeting of ration cards ( from July 2000 till December 2009 – 53 lakh fake ration cards in West Bengal, 10 lakh in Andhra Pradesh and 7 lakh in Gujarat have been discovered and destroyed and there probably exists many that are yet to be discovered)- even the issue of Public Distribution System and Food Security got only 31 questions. Rural drinking water and sanitation, another major problem – received 16 questions. With numerous disruptions during the Session this year, this record may be worse.<br /><br />As the Budget Session enters its last week let’s try and remember what the main functions of the Parliament are and leave the investigative work to the already existing bodies who have the required skills and expertise such as the CBI, CID’s, Enforcement Directorates etc, and start asking some of these questions.<br /><br /><span style="font-style:italic;">Avani Kapur is Researcher and Coordinator, PAISA Project at the Accountability Initiative</span>Avani Kapurhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/12373029182642980964noreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2564387602487793450.post-83422699244850731622010-04-20T04:13:00.000-07:002010-04-20T04:18:56.768-07:00From the right to education to the right to food<span style="font-weight: bold;">Yamini Aiyar</span><br /><br />From the right to education to the right to food, solving our development problems by clothing India’s citizens with new rights seems to be the flavor of our times. What should we make of this rise of rights? Skeptics have argued (and with some conviction) that this expansion of rights serves merely to raise expectations of delivery from a state that has proved conclusively that its greatest characteristic is its inefficiency. And so these new rights amount to nothing but political rhetoric. In a recent article on the subject the Economist suggests just this: ‘Perhaps its only indisputable achievement is political - as potential vote-winners, rights-based schemes are often attractive to politicians, no matter how effective they are’. And perhaps because of their political salience, another set of criticisms is that they serve as a diversion from the real challenge of creating an accountable and responsive state. While it could be argued that creating rights might in fact do just this, in reality – in a system where grievance redressal mechanisms are barely functional and the courts are no different to other arms of the Indian state (and should judges really be making decisions on areas where they have no competency?) – these new rights can never be made justiciable and thus have little credibility. (See these two links on the subject:<br />http://in.news.yahoo.com/48/20100413/1241/top-i-know-my-rights.html<br />http://www.financialexpress.com/news/when-the-blueprint-isnt-sound/606392/<br /><br />So do we dismiss this expansion of rights as nothing but new labels on old bottles that will dilute their own credibility, as mere political rhetoric that will divert from the real challenge at hand? I think not. To understand the potential of these new rights, it is important to think of them in the context of the power dynamics that shape state-citizen relationships in India. It is now a commonplace observation that in much of India citizen- state relationships exist more in the realm of patronage - the paternalistic, mai-baap sarkar that distributes state largess – than in the realm of rights and responsibilities. In this sense Indian democracy has fallen short of its ideal –honoring the standing of citizens and free and equal persons. The invocation of the language of rights in citizen’s everyday dealings with the state offers the opportunity to re –frame modes of citizen engagement from that of being passive recipients to becoming active agents that ‘demand’ services as their right. And this is critical to accountability. In a panel discussion we organized a few months ago, Nikhil Dey made the interesting point that ‘accountability from, the citizen’s point of view, is inextricably tied to basic entitlements. Who can I hold accountable if I don’t have an entitlement?’<br /><br />Consider the movement for the right to information – arguably the first (and perhaps most successful) effort in India to expand the notion of fundamental rights to the domain of social and economic rights. The movement pushed the frontiers of the notion of access to information to offer a radical interpretation of access to information as a ‘right’ that is fundamental to citizen’s right to participate in government and hold it accountable. This interpretation was premised on the notion that the provision of a ‘right’ fundamentally alters power asymmetries between citizens and the state by giving citizens an entitlement which they have a ‘right’ to demand. Two of Accountability Initiative’s researchers have recently completed a study of the effects of a citizen’s organization in Delhi – the Satark Nagrik Sangathan (SNS) – that has been working with slum dwellers (mostly women) to invoke the right to information as a means to access basic services – ration cards, widow’s pensions from the state. SNS has also been running information campaigns to build resident capacity to engage with the formal government system. A language of rights and entitlements is integral to SNS’s information campaigns. The study finds that making citizens aware of their rights and entitlements and pushing them to invoke these rights to access services has had an empowering influence on slum dwellers who are have increasingly more confidence in making demands directly to officials and politicians. In fact the study finds that awareness of rights and entitlements and the invocation of these rights in dealings with officials– particularly the right to information has had considerable success in enabling citizens to access basic services.<br /><br />But in all of this one needs to acknowledge that the aspirations of rights approaches will only be met if one addresses the hard challenge of ensuring that entitlements are realized. We need to think long and hard about creating effective grievance redressal; about undertaking much needed administrative reforms and at the very minimum about ensuring that people are made adequately aware of their rights and what this means for accessing services from the state. The rhetoric of rights adopted by the current political dispensation offers an opportunity to do this. But this will require concerted civil society action. Can civil society rise to the challenge? And will civil society pressure be enough?<br /><br /> In sum, rights approaches could be the starting point of re-articulation of citizen state relationships – one that could fundamentally alter the nature of the Indian state. Or they could end up proving critics right and end up as yet another moment in Indian democracy that never took off.<br /><br /><span style="font-style: italic;">Yamini Aiyar is the Director, Accountability Initiative.</span>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com3